Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Texas at Dallas, 1993. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 299-307).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--West Virginia University, 2006. / Title from document title page. Document formatted into pages; contains viii, 126 p. Includes abstract. Includes bibliographical references.

Dumping, no sentido técnico-jurídico do termo, vem a ser, segundo definição encontrada no próprio Acordo Antidumping, da OMC Organização Mundial do Comércio (artigo VI, GATT 1994), a exportação de um produto por valor inferior ao preço que ele normalmente seria vendido no mercado exportador. Como se pode vislumbrar a partir desta definição, é uma prática que ocorre em razão de uma operação de comércio internacional. O processo de investigação do dumping, que poderá resultar na adoção de direitos antidumping, normalmente é complexo, sendo um dos mais instigantes e atuais temas relacionados ao direito econômico internacional e ao direito do comércio internacional. A aplicação de direitos antidumping, ao mesmo tempo que deve buscar a anulação dos efeitos danosos causados pela prática do dumping, deve ser utilizada de forma comedida pelo país lesado, ou seja, não podem tais direitos significar uma barreira injusta ao livre comércio, sob pena de restar violado e desvirtuado um dos principais fins do sistema OMC, qual seja, a busca de um comércio internacional livre, isto é, isento de quaisquer espécies de barreiras, sejam elas tarifárias, ou não tarifárias. Por derradeiro, cabe dizer ainda, que esta dissertação de Mestrado será dividida em duas partes: a primeira, na qual se abordará os principais aspectos relacionados ao dumping e aos direitos antidumping; e, a segunda, onde será analisado o caso WT/DS141/R Comunidades Européias vs. Índia Direitos antidumping sobre importações de roupa de cama. / Dumping, in its technical-judicial meaning, is the exportation of a product at a price lower than the one at which it usually would be sold in the exporting market, as defined by the WTO World Trade Organization Anti-Dumping Agreement itself (Article VI, GATT 1994). As we can see, based on this definition, dumping is a practice that necessarily occurs as the result of an international trade operation. The dumping investigation process, which may lead to anti-dumping duties, is often complex, and it is one of the most provocative and present subjects related to the International Economic Law and to the International Trade Law. The application of anti-dumping duties, while one must seek to nullify the damaging effects caused by dumping imports, on the other hand, one can not forget that the anti-dumping duties must be reasonably utilized by the injured country, that means, such duties can not lead to an unfair barrier to the free trade, otherwise one the WTO systems main goals, which is the search for free international trade exempt from any kind of barrier, be they tariff or non-tariff barriers, may be violated and disparaged. Finally, this thesis for the Master Degree at USP, will be divided in two parts: the first one will discuss the main aspects of dumping and the anti-dumping duties; and the second one, where the author will analyse, in a deep approach, a specific case decided in the scope of the dispute settlement body (DSB), where the occurrence of dumping and the application of anti-dumping duties was discussed (WT/DS141/R European Communities vs Índia cotton-type bed linen).

This dissertation consists of three independent essays which contribute to the literatures on International Trade and Political Economy. The first essay addresses questions related to the political economy of antidumping (AD). With the remarkable falling in tariff barriers that has characterized the post-World War II period, AD has become the most used non-tariff barrier (NTB).1 Studying the use of AD is thus of great importance, also because the restrictive effects of AD measures on trade can be sizable (see for instance Ruhl, 2014). Moreover, there is an increasing concern that AD has turned to be an industrial policy tool rather than a mean that governments can use to restore the “level-playing field” (Vandenbussche and Zanardi, 2008). This worry is in line with the findings presented in the first chapter of this dissertation, Bureaucrats or Politicians? Political Parties and Antidumping in the US, which shows that the adoption of ADmeasures in the US is heavily shaped by political parties’ interests. I focus on the voting behavior of the International Trade Commission (ITC), a US quasijudicial agency composed by six non-elected commissioners who are supposed to conduct (an important part of the) AD investigations in a fair and objective manner. Using a newly collected dataset containing all ITC commissioners’ votes on AD over the period 1980-2010, I show that political parties can affect the ITC voting behavior in two ways: by selecting ITC commissioners who have a similar stance on trade policy as their own (selection effect) and by influencing them while they are in office (pressure effect). While other studies have emphasised that Congress can put pressure on the ITC, the novelty of this work is to show that this pressure is party-specific. First, I show that Democratic-appointed commissioners are systematically more protectionist than Republican-appointed ones. This effect is sizable (the probability of voting in favor of AD is at least 8 percentage points higher for Democratic-appointed commissioners) and suggests that political parties can play an important role by influencing the choice of ITC commissioners who have a similar preferences on trade. This result is insensitive to several changes in the econometric specifications and to the use of different methodologies. Moreover, commissioners’ votes on AD depend on the trade policy interests of key senators (i.e. Trade subcommittee members) in the party they are associated to.2 In particular, whether (Democratic) Republican-appointed commissioners vote in favor of AD depends crucially on whether the petitioning industry is key (in terms of employment) in the states represented by leading (Democratic) Republican senators at the time. This result is robust to several checks also holds when controlling for any unobserved time-invariant characteristic of ITC commissioners (e.g. the state of origin) that could influence their votes on AD and be correlated with the pressure variables, i.e. when commissioner fixed effects are included in the specifications. In addition, the pressure effect can actually overcome the selection effect, making a Republican-appointed commissioner more protectionist than the average Democratic-appointed one. The second essay, Internationalization and Innovation of Firms: Evidence and Policy, analyzes the link between internationalization and innovation at the firm level.3 The evidence presented Chapter 2 shows that the degrees of involvement in internationalization and innovation activities are inextricably linked. However, the European policy context seems at odds with this evidence: trade-promotion and innovation-enhancing policies are largely unrelated and often carried out through various agencies (see EIM, 2010).4 Thus, understanding the interaction between internationalization and innovation can be crucial for policy makers, especially in a world which is increasingly characterized by global value chains.5 The interplay between internationalization and innovation is investigated in a unique, representative and cross-country comparable sample of manufacturing firms with at least ten employees (EFIGE), across seven European countries (Austria, France, Germany, Hungary, Italy, Spain, UK) for the year 2008. We find that firms in the sample at hand are quite active in both innovation and internationalization: 87% of firms devote resources to R&D projects, IT solutions, or patent/design/ trademark registrations, while 77% of our firms are active in international trade, cross-border outsourcing relations, or FDI. For modes of internationalization, there is a clear ranking of associated firm performance: FDI makers show the highest productivity, followed by outsourcers and traders. Innovation differences across modes are less clear cut. Moreover, defining internationalization (innovation) intensity as the number of internationalization (innovation) modes in which firms are involved, we show that firms with high innovation intensity tend also to show high internationalization intensity. Instrumenting innovation intensity by the share of firms that have benefitted from R&D financial incentives in a given (NACE 2 digits) industry-country pair and by the share of investment in R&D over the value added in the same industry-country pair, for the years 2002-2006, we are not able to find conclusive evidence of a causal effect of innovation on internationalization. Finally, a positive association between innovation and internationalization intensities appears at both firm level and country-industry (milieu) level, and at country level when average intensity is calculated disregarding the relative numbers of firms in the different industries. If country average intensities are computed weighting by firm numbers in the various industries, the correlation between innovation and internationalization intensities across countries appears weaker, suggesting that innovation matters more than internationalization for driving differences across countries. Based on the evidence we collected, we suggest a higher coordination/integration of internationalization and innovation policies at both the national and EU levels, and propose a bigger coordinating role for EU institutions, in order to reduce the current paradox of generally uncorrelated policies aimed at mostly correlated outcomes. The third essay, Cooperation Among Criminal Organizations: Evidence from Organized Crime in Italy, uncovers new facts about the behavior criminal organizations on the Italian territory. Since Becker (1968) the economic analysis of crime has especially focused on the behavior of individual offenders. Much less attention has been devoted to the activities of criminal organizations, especially from an empirical point of view. Nevertheless, organized crime is a prominent and alarming presence in the world economy: it destroys physical and human capital and deteriorates the business environment, ultimately lowering the growth potential of an economy (Acconcia et al. 2014; Pinotti, 2015). The third chapter of this dissertation contributes to the literature on economics of organized crime by shedding light on the interaction between domestic and foreign organizations in Italy, showing that the probability of cooperation among them depends both on the type of crime committed and on the presence of traditional (incumbent) organizations in some regions of the country. More specifically, cooperation between domestic and foreign criminal organizations is studied using a novel dataset containing information on their activities in the Italian territory during 2007-2010. Italian territory during 2007-2010. We first show that cooperation among Italians and foreigners is skewed towards specific crimes (e.g. counterfeiting activities). We then show that the presence of traditional (incumbent) organizations in some regions reduces the probability of cooperating. Interestingly, in these areas the same probability is higher when cooperation takes place for criminal activities in which foreign organizations can play an important role in providing inputs. / Doctorat en Sciences économiques et de gestion / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

La investigación que se desarrollará a continuación se concentrará en el análisis de una conducta que está atentado en contra del comercio internacional y, más específicamente, del sistema antidumping; nos referimos a la ejecución creciente de prácticas de elusión de los derechos antidumping. Para poder abordar este tema tendremos que estudiar cuestiones previas, tales como la incidencia de los precios con margen dumping en el país importador y las medidas de defensa comercial que son aplicadas para equilibrar los precios dumping de exportación. / Tesis

With accelerating globalization, many industries have faced continuous pressure from rising importation. In the forest products industry, international trade has been intervened by either a tariff on roundwood or a temporary trade barrier on wood and paper products. In this dissertation, three studies are conducted to examine the patterns and impacts of these tariffs and trade barriers. In the first study, the adoption of antidumping and countervailing duty as a temporary trade barrier on forest products trade is examined. Initially, a two-step sample selection model is employed to identify determinants of trade barrier imposition by all the countries, and additionally, by developing countries as a group. Furthermore, the effects in paper and non-paper products are separately assessed by a probit regression. The results reveal that countries with high gross domestic products per capita can file more investigations than others. For these countries with petitions, they are found to be cautious to employ temporary trade barriers, as their attention shifts from the inefficiencies of domestic firms to unfair trade actions of foreign exporters. In the second study, outcomes of antidumping and countervailing petitions and their determinants are analyzed. The outcomes from preliminary and final investigations are separately evaluated by either a binary logistic model or a multinomial logistic model. The results reveal that more affirmative injury decisions exist if petitions initiated after 2000. Since the U.S. has announced the Byrd Amendment in 2000 to protect domestic firms, the trade environment is competitive. In addition, higher-income countries are associated with less affirmative decisions on petitions because of cooperation and retaliation. In the third study, the interaction between tariffs on roundwood and temporary trade barriers on forest products is assessed. A two-stage partial equilibrium displacement model is applied to measure the vertical linkage between roundwood and wood/paper products by estimating endogenous prices, quantities, and the change of welfare after imposing trade barriers. Tariffs on roundwood and temporary trade barriers on forest products are found to have a positive total welfare impact. The implementation of temporary trade barriers on forest products brings a higher welfare change than imposing tariffs on roundwood.

The U.S. furniture industry has faced the challenge from increasing imports of furniture from foreign countries over the last decades. In the first part of this thesis, the import pattern of wooden bedroom furniture and the antidumping investigation against China were summarized, and furthermore, intervention analysis was employed to assess its impacts on the import value and unit price of China. The results revealed that the impact on import values was temporary but there was no significant impact on unit prices. The traditional suppliers have been substituted by the newly developing countries such as China and Vietnam. In the second part of this thesis, to explain the market structure change, a dynamic AIDS model was used to analyze the consumer behavior and evaluate the impacts of antidumping investigation on the major competitors in the second part. The results indicated that most imported wooden bedroom furniture can be substituted between suppliers and trade diversion occurred from China to Vietnam, Indonesia, and Brazil.

No description available.

Cette étude analyse l'application de l'Accord AD de l'OMC dans les enquêtes AD menées par l'Union Européenne. Nous avons identifié plusieurs règles ambiguës qui permettent des interprétations et des applications arbitraires par les Membres de l'OMC. Plusieurs pratiques de l'UE sont incompatibles avec l'Accord. L'application de l'Accord dans l'UE indique que les Membres ont une marge discrétionnaire importante dans les enquêtes AD. Le caractère arbitraire de l'application de la loi AD est confirmé par notre analyse économétrique. Nous avons identifié une interdépendance entre la décision des producteurs nationaux de viser ou non un pays exportateur et celle des autorités concernant l'imposition de mesures ou non d'une mesure AD. Cette étude confirme aussi un effet super additif dans la méthode d'évaluation cumulative permise par l'Accord.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:30:19Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Wagner de Macedo Parente Filho.pdf: 1473853 bytes, checksum: b48dae48a1370f76235828467fb259a0 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-04-30 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The antidumping is one of the most used mechanisms by members of the World Trade Organization (WTO), and provide by international agreements within the same organization, to impede the access of foreign products in domestic market. Despite a relative uniformity in the implementation of these measures due the fact that it derives from the internalization of the Antidumping Agreement there is still a wide discretion in how WTO members apply such measure, especially the national interest. Thus, developing countries could use the antidumping with a different logic from used in developed countries; not to meet the pressures of domestic industry which was affected by the trade liberalization process, but as part of broader public policies that seek the development of the nation as a whole. In this sense, it is clear that at least two countries that preach free trade England and United States were used aggressive interventionist policies to achieve their current level of development, which cannot be used by today s developing countries under international agreements. In a similar way, it seems essential that developing countries use all mechanisms provided by international agreements in order to carry on public policies, one of them is the antidumping. This use of antidumping measures, at least in Brazil, is consistent with the constitutional option in Brazil; represents low risk to retaliate directly or challenge in WTO Dispute Settlement; can offer more credibility to public policies; provides a more solid economic rationale; and facilitates the judicial control of the action / As medidas antidumping são um dos mecanismos mais utilizados pelos membros da Organização Mundial do Comércio (OMC) e previstos nos acordos internacionais no âmbito da mesma Organização, para conter a entrada de produtos estrangeiros no mercado interno. Apesar de haver uma relativa uniformidade quanto à aplicação das referidas medidas por derivarem da internalização do Acordo Antidumping ainda existe uma grande discricionariedade na forma como os membros da OMC fazem uso das mesmas, em especial quanto ao interesse nacional. Dessa forma, países em desenvolvimento poderiam utilizar o antidumping com uma lógica diferente da que é empregada em países desenvolvidos; não para satisfazer as pressões da indústria doméstica que foi afetada pelo processo de liberalização comercial, mas como parte de políticas públicas mais amplas, que busquem o desenvolvimento da nação como um todo. Nesse sentido, é notório que pelo menos os dois países que mais pregam o liberalismo comercial Inglaterra e Estados Unidos se utilizaram de políticas intervencionistas agressivas para alcançarem o seu atual nível de desenvolvimento, as quais não podem ser utilizadas pelos países em desenvolvimento de hoje, por força dos acordos internacionais. Do mesmo modo, parece fundamental que os países em desenvolvimento façam uso de todos os mecanismos previstos nos acordos internacionais para a efetivação de políticas públicas eficientes, sendo um dos principais o antidumping. Essa utilização das medidas antidumping, pelo menos no Brasil, é coerente com a opção constitucional brasileira; representa pouca possibilidade de retaliação direta ou contestação no Órgão de Solução de Controvérsias da OMC; pode oferecer mais credibilidade às políticas públicas; possibilita uma ratio econômica mais sólida; e facilita o controle jurisdicional das medidas