This thesis examines the evidence surrounding the Battle of Nedao, an engagement between Ardaric, leader of the Gepids and other rebelling tribes, and Ellac, the eldest son of Attila. It argues against the claim that, after Attila’s death, it was the sons of Attila who ruined the Hunnic empire through civil war. Instead, the political crisis which inevitably led to the battle was brought about by Attila’s murdering of his brother and co-king, Bleda, in 445 and his intestate death in 453. If there was civil war between Attila’s sons, it did not occur until after Nedao. Furthermore, Ardaric was not of Royal Hunnic status fighting for succession at Nedao. He was, instead, one of the leaders of a rebellion that was not limited to Germanic tribes. The thesis focuses primarily on one source, Jordanes, since his Getica is the only known account of the battle which is not mentioned by any other contemporary source. The paper analyzes both Jordanes as an author and the language in his Getica, finding him not to be the semiliterate copyist of Cassiodorus, but instead underlines his own agency in the organizing of the work. From this broader understanding of Jordanes and Getica, it furthermore determines that he may, in fact, harbor an anti-Gepid sentiment towards the Gepid kingdom of his own day in the sixth century. Jordanes may, therefore, be anachronistically ascribing strength and importance to the Gepids’ role at Nedao, as Gepid-Constantinopolitan tension reached its zenith at the time he composed his work, thereby critically affecting our interpretation of the Battle of Nedao narrative.

Dans cette thèse, on s'efforce de montrer que le destin - au sens d'un avenir annoncé ou d'une vie qui s'achève - constitue, dans les 32 épopées antiques grecques et latines étudiées (ou dans les épyllions), une figure littéraire plutôt qu'historique, philosophique ou religieuse. D'un point de vue chronologique, nous ne notons ni une modification de la nature ni un affaiblissement significatifs de l'importance du destin, entre les épopées archaïques et celles de l'Antiquité tardive. Sur le plan philosophique, la conception stoïcienne du destin n'affecte fortement que deux épopées, l'une, grecque et l'autre, latine. Pour ce qui concerne la mythologie religieuse, Jupiter et les Parques n'ont pas, dans la détermination du destin, un rôle bien différent de celui joué par Zeus et par les Moires. En revanche, le destin est une figure littéraire. Sur le plan linguistique, les deux couples majeurs, μοῖρα - κήρ (moïra - kèr) et fatum - fortuna, ne sont pas assimilables. Et le destin joue un rôle littéraire primordial. D'abord, une suppression simulée du destin appauvrit la personnalité des héros ; elle détériore la structure de la plupart des épopées ; elle peut même détruire leur objet. Ensuite le destin exerce trois fonctions littéraires : il favorise la clarté du récit, il préserve ou il accroît son intérêt, il exerce un effet d'amplification. / Based on the study of 32 Greek and Latin ancient epics (or epyllions), we intend to prove in this work that fate - with the meaning of predicted future or finished life - constitutes a literary figure rather than an historical, philosophical or religious figure. From a chronological point of view, fate neither alters its nature nor loosens power in the Antiquity, from the first till the late epics. Philosophically, fate's stoic conception has important consequences for only two epics, one Greek, the other Latin. Finally, regarding religious mythology, Jupiter and the Parcae have a role in the determination of fate approximately similar to the one of Zeus and the Moirai. Meanwhile, fate is a literary figure. In the linguistic field of fate, the two main pairs, μοῖρα - κήρ (moïra - kèr) and fatum - fortuna, have very different features. And fate has an essential literary function. First, a simulated suppression of fate impoverishes heroes' personality ; it damages most epics structure ; it sometimes destroys their subject. Then, fate has three literary functions : it promotes story's clarity, it preserves or improves its interest and allows to magnify the story.

The early 9th century Carolingian manuscript of the Epistola Anne ad Senecam was discovered by B. Bischoff in the Archiepiscopal library of Cologne and published by him 1984. It is a short, incomplete Latin text of some ninety lines that Bischoff identified as a late antique Jewish missionsschrift addressed to certain unidentified fratres. There is little agreement in the current literature on the identity of the author or the addressee(s), nor on the date of its composition, and it has been proposed that the text is in fact Christian. The titulus has been taken as a later interpolation with no relation to the work. There have been two subsequent editions (Jacobi and Hilhorst) and a German translation (Wischmeyer) all dependent on Bischoff’s editio princeps. No extended study of the text has been published. The present study reexamines the text and presents a corrected edition of the Latin from the original manuscript together with an English translation. An analysis of the latinity and rhetoric of the text shows it to be have been written by a highly literate author aimed at a pagan, aristocratic audience similar to the group seen in the works of Macrobius. The fratres are not the prime addressee of the text but represent a Iamblichan neoplatonic group addressed in an apostrophe within the text. The use of a mixed cursus in the clausulae indicates a late 4th-5th century date. The work is shown to allude to Genesis and sapiential texts, particularly Wisdom but does not quote directly from them. There are indications that the author is using Biblical texts that are substantially different from the Vulgate Latin and possibly dependent on the Hebrew. The Epistola also appears to show a familiarity with a number of works of Seneca; Naturales Quaestiones, De Beneficiis and De Supersitione. An intertextual link between the text and Augustine’s De Civitate Dei and the De Reditu Suo of Rutilius Namatianus suggest a composition of the text in the second decade of the fifth century, c. 415. This would allow the author to be identified with the Annas didascalus Iudaeorum mentioned in the Theodosian code as active on behalf of the Jewish community at the imperial court in Ravenna, and a plausible context is reconstructed for such a scenario. Placed in the historical context of late paganism, the text is interpreted as constituting a protreptic exhorting its audience to avoid the obscurities of neoplatonism and the inanities of the cult of Liber Pater and to follow a philosophical faith consonant with that of the author. It can thus be seen as an attempt to establish a Jewish-Pagan dialogue in the face of the continuing Christianisation of the empire at a time when this process was still not seen as irreversible.

Oration 30 (Or. 30) has been commonly used in scholarship as positive affirmation of religious violence and temple destruction in late Antique Syria. This view of widespread violence in late 4th century Syria was previously supported by scholarship on temple destruction and conversion, which tended to argue that temple destruction and conversion was a widespread phenomenon in the 4th and 5th centuries. Recent archaeological scholarship, however, argues against this perspective, in favour of temple destruction and conversion being a rather exceptional and late phenomenon. The question must therefore be asked, to what extent can Libanius’ Or. 30 be used as a source of temple destruction in the Antiochene countryside in Late Antiquity? This question is explored through three chapters which examine: the text and context of Or. 30, the use and application of Roman law in Or. 30, and the archeological evidence for temple destruction and conversion in the Antiochene countryside. This research has revealed that Libanius tends to use similar arguments in his ‘reform speeches,’ that there was no legal basis for temple destruction in the late 4th century, and that there is no archaeological evidence for widespread temple destruction occurring around the composition of Or. 30. Thus, the evidence shows that Libanius’ claim of widespread violence must be seen as an exaggeration. Meaning that Or. 30 cannot be used to support the idea of widespread destruction and religious violence in the Antiochene countryside at the end of the 4th century or, for that matter, Late Antiquity in general.

The subject of this thesis is the variety of ways that temples were reused by Romans, both Christian and non-Christian, at the end of Antiquity in the present-day country of Greece. It discusses these means of reuse using principally archaeological evidence as a means of countering interpretations of the material culture that temples were either destroyed or reused as churches. These interpretations are based on the assumption that contemporary written sources such as Saints’ ‘Lives’ (the literary genre known as hagiography) are an accurate portrayal of temple reuse in Late Antiquity, without taking into consideration the legendary nature of hagiography. On the other hand, they do not account for potentially contradictory evidence of temple reuse derived from archaeological excavation. It is argued in this thesis that archaeological evidence provides an alternative outcome to that described in contemporary written sources such as hagiography, one that emphasizes practical forms of temple reuse rather than religious. The evidence for this argument is presented at both a geographic level and as discreet categories of forms of reuse of both a religious and practical nature, as a first glimpse of the nuanced image of temple reuse in Greece. Specific examples of the evidence are then cited in a number of case studies to be further developed as a valid attribute in the characterisation of the Late Antique sacred landscape at the level of the Roman Empire. It is concluded that, although practical forms of temple reuse do not greatly alter the sacred landscape of Late Antique Greece, they are crucial in developing a more diverse view of Late Antique religion.

This study aims to establish the semantic range of πίστις (‘faith’) in fourth century Christian discourse using the preaching of John Chrysostom as a source base. Against previous scholarship which sees πίστις as primarily a cognitive or propositional term referring to belief, this study uses a close examination of Chrysostom’s preaching to argue that the relational nature of the term was central to its significance for fourth century preaching as Christians considered their own faith and biblical texts. Chrysostom uses the reciprocal, relational character of πίστις to emphasise loyalty, trust and obedience to God through metaphors based upon the military, economic and household contexts of late antiquity. This study further shows that Chrysostom in turn uses these aspects of πίστις to seek to influence the everyday life of his congregation, whether to support existing behaviour (such as obedience to the emperor, or husbands, or the bishop) or to seek to transform behaviour (such as encouraging the rich to give to the poor, or masters to treat slaves better). This contextual understanding of πίστις therefore sheds light on how the relationship with God both informed and was informed by the everyday human relationships of the congregation. The study overall demonstrates the necessity of understanding Chrysostom’s view of πίστις as belonging within a reciprocal relationship, enabling a new view of Chrysostom’s preaching, faith and late antiquity to emerge.

Dans une période considérée avec inexactitude comme « charnière », entre Antiquité et Moyen Âge, on constate l’émergence d’un nombre croissant de figures féminines dans les hautes sphères du pouvoir, au sein de l’Empire Romain. Qu’elles soient impératrices, aristocrates, saintes –voire les trois en même temps –, ces femmes sont dotées de pouvoirs politiques institutionnels, sont à la tête d’un patrimoine important et disposent de grandes richesses, autant d’éléments leur conférant une réelle autonomie. Témoignant généralement d’une certaine éducation et d’une culture approfondie, ces femmes peuvent s’illustrer dans la construction d’édifices ou le financement du développement du monumental chrétien. Avec l’avènement de la dynastie théodosienne au cours du IVe, puis Ve siècle, s’amorce un basculement. Les femmes s’installent durablement sur la scène où se joue le pouvoir. Dans le cadre de la sphère impériale, les impératrices sont de plus en plus mentionnées aux côtés de leur époux, faisant émerger une nouvelle réalité : celle du couple impérial et d’un pouvoir bicéphale. L’hypothèse principale consiste à démontrer que, d’un point de vue historique, l’Antiquité Tardive est une période de véritable basculement dans une civilisation traditionnellement structurée mentalement par une obsession de la virilité et institutionnellement par un pouvoir politique masculin. Cette époque pourrait donc se caractériser par la naissance de la femme politique, au point que certains auteurs antiques tendent à définir la féminité au pouvoir comme une nouvelle forme de masculinité. Loin d’aller dans ce sens, ce travail amènera plutôt à se demander si un pouvoir féminin peut se dessiner sans être considéré comme une virilisation. / During a period considered with inaccuracy as « transitional », between Antiquity and the Middle Ages,we observe the appearance of an increasing number of feminine figures in the highest power spheres, inthe Roman Empire. Empresses, aristocrats, saints, – all three at the same time –, these women possessinstitutional political powers, important patrimonial belongings and great wealth. All these elementsgive them a true independance. Generally reflecting a certain level of education and culture, thesewomen can play a part in the construction of buildings or the funding of the christian architecturallegacy.With the accesssion of the theodosian dynasty during the IVth century, then the Vth, a change is initiated.Women install themselves permanently on the stage where power is decided. In the case of the imperialsphere, empresses are mentionned more often alongside their spouses, bringing forth a new reality : theimperial couple and a bicephalous power.The main hypothesis consists in demonstrating that, from a historical point of view, Late Antiquity is aperiod of true evolution in a civilisation traditionally structured mentally by an obsession for manlinessand institutionally by a masculine political power. This era could be caracterise by the birth of thepolitical woman, to the point where certain authors of antiquity tend to define feminity in power as anew form of masculinity. Far from agreeing with them, this thesis will consist in asking ourselves if afeminine power can exist without being considered as a masculinization.

In my thesis I analyse the issue of democracy in antiquity. Research includes practice and theory. At the beginning I will focus on the analysis of the real functioning of democracy in the Athenian polis (how the idea of democracy arose, what were the political institutions, who had or did not have a share in the controlling of the polis etc.). Emphasis is placed on the history of Athens in the 6th to 4th centuries BC. The core of this chapter is the time of Pericles when Athenian democracy reached its peak. The second part of the thesis describes how democracy was viewed by leading ancient thinkers - Plato and his disciple Aristotle. One of the aims of this thesis is to understand their criticism of the democratic establishment and what alternatives governments offer as better. The third part of the thesis is a comparison between political reality in ancient Athens and political theory in the works of Plato and Aristotle.

As Theoderic established himself as ruler of the Italian peninsula in 493, he would usher in a period of great renewal of Roman culture within his kingdom, a theme which would emerge across western Europe as new Germanic leaders came to rule Roman populations. Within this wave of cultural renewal there emerged several works paying homage to Roman culture and prestige. Amongst these publications came two brief cookbooks from the authors Anthimus and Vinidarius. This raises the question: why were these authors producing such works of culinary content, and were they related to issues concerning the renewal of Roman culture in western Europe? This thesis aims to answer the above questions through the evaluation of Anthimus and Vinidarius’ participation in Roman cultural renewal. To investigate this issue, my study first examines the recognition and renewal of romanitas in western Europe and the Mediterranean, and through which media it took place. This is followed by an examination of cuisine to determine a model for Roman dietary preferences, against which the works of Anthimus and Vinidarius may be contrasted. Finally, in an examination of Anthimus and Vinidarius, the study seeks to establish connections between the two individuals and Ostrogothic Italy, as well as connections between their culinary preferences and those supported by the model established in Chapter 2. On the basis of the investigations of this thesis, conclusions may be drawn about Anthimus and Vinidarius and efforts to renew Roman culture in fifth and sixth-century western Europe. The geographic connections of the two authors, along with their relatively high social status, suggest a connection to Theoderic and his court in Italy. The culinary preparations described in their texts also represent a strong connection with earlier elite Roman cooking. This thesis therefore concludes that the authors Anthimus and Vinidarius used food as a medium for cultural promotion, and in doing so, participated in the ongoing revival of interest in Roman cultural identity.

The aim for this study was to see the epoch antiquity’s part in the course History 1a1 in the textbooks, the regulatory documents, and the active history teachers in the municipality of Umeå. The method that has been used is hermeneutic method in cooperation with use of history. The study relay on the theory of history culture made by Klas-Göran Karlsson, but also on the theory of history consciousness. The study’s conclusion is that the epoch antiquity should take a small part of the course History 1a1, but that there is space for the teachers who want to give it more time. The books show the same results when some of them have a small part aimed for the antiquity and some of them have a few more pages. The teacher’s opinions show the same pattern when the majority thinks that the course should have a small part of the course, while others think it should have a bigger part. The result of what content the antiquity should have got a similar response in the three parts of the study. Governance and culture are the two themes that is said to be the most important part of the epoch’s content, the teachers agree but also think that historical consciousness is a matter of importance. The historical consciousness is also a big part of the regulatory documents and can be seen in the textbooks as well. The regulatory documents find the knowledge of source criticism and use of history to be of importance, but none of them appears in the textbook’s chapter of antiquity nor in the opinions of the teachers.