This study is an attempt to contribute to the discussion on theology and land restitution. The researcher approaches it from a theological background and acknowledges the many contributions on this subject in other fields. Since this is a theological contribution, this research has the Bible as its point of departure. Black people are deeply rooted in the land. Land dispossession destroyed the God-ordained and created bond between black people and their black selves. Land dispossession also had a terrible economic impact upon black people. As result of land dispossession Bantustans were established. These black areas were economically disadvantaged and black people were forced to live in impoverished conditions. Land, which was a primary source of life for black people, was brutally taken away from them. Consequently, black people were forced to leave the Bantustans in search for employment in “white” South Africa. Because of this, they were made slaves and labourers in the country of their birth. The Bantustans were not considered to be part of South Africa; hence black people were aliens in their ancestral motherland. The black communal economic system was destroyed as a result of land dispossession. (The black communal economic system refers to an economic system where everyone works the land and thus benefits economically from the land.) The results of this are still seen in present-day South Africa. The majority of black people are still living at the margins of society because in the past, they were made subservient and dependent on white people to survive economically. Since apartheid was a system that was sustained on cheap black labour, this dependency on the white economy was systemic and generational. It is for this very reason that we see the very disproportionate face of the economy today. In an attempt to arrest the imbalance, the restoration of land to black people is inevitable. It is only then that black people will be liberated from being overly dependent on white people for their 3 survival. Land dispossession also had a terrible impact upon the identity and “blackness” of black people; black people internalised oppression as a result of the apartheid system, which was affirmed by the Dutch Reformed Church as a God-ordained system. This system officially paved the way and was used as the vehicle for land dispossession in South Africa; it destroyed black people and it is therefore not by chance that black people have become the greatest consumers. The identity of black people is deeply rooted in their ancestral motherland and land dispossession had a brutal impact upon the blackness of black people. Black people, as a result of land dispossession, started to doubt their humanness. Land dispossession also had a dreadful impact upon the relationships of black people with themselves and the relationships between white people and black people. These relationships were immorally and officially damaged by the apartheid system, which was deeply structural. Thus, when dealing with the land question in South Africa, the fact that it is deeply structural should be kept in mind. The church is entrusted with the task of reconciling the damaged relationships in a transformational manner. This can only be done when black people and white people engage and embrace each other on an equal basis. But black people and white people in South Africa cannot be on an equal basis as long as structural divisions which still advantage some and disadvantage others are not dealt with in a transformational manner. Therefore the need for land restitution in South Africa is necessary today because it does not only relate to the issues of faith and identity, but it is also economic. The consequences of the dispossession of land in the past are still evident in present-day South Africa. Land dispossession has had a terrible impact upon the faith of black people, whose faith is strongly linked to land (place). Faith and belonging are interrelated. The restoration of land to black people is necessary to reconcile black people with their faith and consequently with themselves. / Philosophy, Practical and Systematic Theology / D.Th. (Theological Ethics)

Thesis (MPhil)--University of Stellenbosch, 2003. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Since 1994 South Africa has undergone numerous social and political transformations. Transformation in this country has different meanings for different people, depending on the individuals perspective. The process of transformation has been slow for some, particularly those people who are eager to break away from a past, which has denied them basic individual rights. For others transformation has been too fast and thus a threat to their status quo. In view of this, transformation must be embraced by all through the realisation and admission that the apartheid era was inherently unfair to sections of the population and change must therefore be regarded as the levelling of the playing field. This study focuses on the generation of inequality, the uprooting of this evil and the implementation of equity. In addition, this study particularly focuses on how equity can be implemented in the workplace, why it is important to do so and what are the possible barriers to successful implementation. I will consider some of the theories that may be useful in initiating change. Finally, I will discuss the merits of the Employment Equity Act as legislation to enforce equity in the workplace. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Vanaf 1994, het Suid Afrika verskillende sosiale en politieke veranderings ondergaan. Hierdie veraderings het verskillende betekenis vir verskillende mense, afhangend van die individuele se insig. Die proses van veranderings was te stadig vir sommige persone, veral diegene wie angstig was om weg te breek van die verlede, wat hulle ontneem het van hulle basiese individuele regte. Vir andere was die veraderings veels te vinning en was meer 'n bedreiging vir hulle onveranderlike hoë belangrike posisies. Met hierdie faktor insig, moet veranderings omhels word deur almal se opregte beseffing en erkenning dat die apartheid jare se alleen regte vir die een groep baie onregverdig was teenoor die ander groepe, dus moet veranderings aanvaar word as gelykmaking van alle onreelmatinghede. Hierdie studie is die fokus gerig op die jare van vasgevangheid in onregverdigheid en dat hierdie ongeregtigheid kan ontwortel word met die aanbeveling of vervangs van geregtigheid. Die fokus lê veral klem op hoe om gelyke regte by die werksplekke toe te pas.

A research report submitted to the Faculty of Arts, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts (History) February 2013 / This study examines the gendered histories of two black women who both narrated their personal testimonies in self-authored narrations for public consumption, and who both testified at the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC). It situates the politics of subjectivity, memory and historical consciousness within the social constructivist and hermeneutical theoretical frameworks of Butler and Ricoeur respectively; and through a generative process, working with their TRC testimonies and subsequent oral interviews, it examines self-narrativity, subject formation and the formation of female selfhood in the formation of gendered historical consciousness

Submitted for the degree of Master of Arts, History Department, University of the Witwatersrand / Andrew Chakane 2018

Submitted as requirement of the degree of Master of Arts History, Faculty of Humanities University of the Witwatersrand, January 2012 / Griqua Philippolis (1824-1862) and Afrikaner Orania (1990-present) are explored in this thesis, according to a legal-history framework that allows for a comparative appraisal of their foundations. As I argue, property – specifically, property in land – helps us to understand sovereignty and the question of rights in the South Africa. As this thesis explores, both settlements were formerly home to prior inhabitants (the San in Philippolis; Coloured squatters in Orania), and these inhabitants had to be transferred away. Both communities emerged out of contested and dynamic political contexts – situations that would determine how they saw themselves and others. Land regulations were devised within these respective contexts, in direct response to specific external pressures and the demands of the market. Internally, both polities were tightly governed. Externally, to various institutions and individuals, both argued for their ‘rights’ – mainly rights to land and to special treatment – all the time. Indeed, in a way, this study is an historical exploration of the effective deployment of ‘rights talk’, and to that end, my argument carries across two centuries right up to the present day using Orania and Philippolis to do this. This thesis, then, is a study about land rights, and the different regimes that create and erase them, that acknowledge and ignore them; it is a local history of settler colonialism past and present, using two case studies to explore the continuities of South Africa’s ever-pertinent land question. / XL2018

This thesis focuses on strategies of representation in South African anti-apartheid documentary film and video from the late 1970s to 1995. It identifies and analyses two broad trends within this movement: the first developed by the organisation called Video News Services; the second developed in the Mail and Guardian Television series called Ordinary People. Two history series are analysed against the backdrop of transformations in the television broadcasting sector in the early 1990s. South African documentary film and video is located within a theoretical framework that interweaves documentary film theory, theories of Third cinema and of identity, rid working class cinema of the 1920s and 1930s. The concepts of ‘voice’ and the ‘speaking subject’ are the two key concepts that focus the discussion of strategies of representation in detailed textual analyses of selected documentaries. The analysis of three documentaries that typify the output of Video News Services reveals how these documentary texts establish a symbiosis between representations of the working class as black, male, and allied to COSATU, and the liberation struggle. The analysis of selected documentaries from the Ordinary People series highlights those strategies of representation that facilitate perceptions of the multiplicities of identities in South Africa. This focus on representations of identity is extended in analysing and comparing two television series. The strategies of representation evident in the Video News Services documentaries and the meanings they produce about identify are repeated in the series called Ulibambe Lingashoni: Hold Up the Sun. In Soweto: A History, strategies of representation that follow the trend towards representing identity as multiple are used to present history as if from the perspective of ‘ordinary’ people. The thesis creates an argument for South African documentary film and video to move towards strategies of representation that break down the fixed categories of identity developed under apartheid. With policy moves for creating more ‘local content’ films and television productions there is opportunity to re-shape the documentary film and video movement in South Africa using representational strategies that blur the boundaries between documentary and fiction, and between individualised, discrete categories of identity.

Cette thèse étudie les causes et conséquences du processus de ségrégation résidentielle dans l’Afrique du Sud (AFS) post-Apartheid. Nous nous intéressons à plusieurs aspects encore débattus dans la littérature. Le premier concerne l’impact des préférences des individus pour la composition raciale de leur voisinage sur la ségrégation. Le second a trait à l’impact de la ségrégation résidentielle sur les niveaux de revenus des différents groupes raciaux. Le dernier quantifie les différentes causes de la ségrégation. Dans le premier chapitre, nous réconcilions la littérature théorique sur l’impact des préférences pour la composition raciale du voisinage avec les observations empiriques de niveaux décroissants de ségrégation aux US et en AFS. Nous soutenons l’idée que si les individus internalisent les apports économiques et sociaux de chaque nouvel arrivant dans leur voisinage alors des voisinages intégrés peuvent émerger. Cet effet est empiriquement plus fort que l’homophilie et le racisme. Dans le second chapitre, nous étudions l’impact de la ségrégation sur l’ensemble de la distribution des revenus. Nous montrons que la ségrégation a un effet positif sur les hauts revenus pour les Blancs tandis qu’elle a un effet négatif pour les Noirs au bas de la distribution. L’effet de la ségrégation est souvent plus important que l’effet de l’éducation. Enfin, dans le troisième chapitre, nous quantifions l’impact de chaque déterminant de la ségrégation. Nous trouvons que le manque d’accès aux services publics de base est le déterminant principal, alors que les différences de caractéristiques sociodémographiques ne comptent que pour une faible part pour les quartiers les plus ségrégués. / This thesis studies the causes and consequences of the residential segregation process in the post-Apartheid South Africa.Inside this general issue, we are interested in several aspects still debated in the literature on residential segregation. Thefirst concerns the impact of individuals’ preferences for the racial composition of their neighborhood on the segregationlevels. The second question deals with the impact of residential segregation on the income levels of each racial group. Thelast issue is related to quantifying the different causes of segregation.Three chapters constitute this thesis. In the first chapter, we reconcile the theoretical literature on the impact of preferencesfor the racial composition of the neighborhood with the empirical evidences of declining levels of segregation in theUnited-States and South Africa. We argue that if individuals internalize the economic and social life that a new entrantbrings with him, then integrated neighborhoods can emerge. This effect is empirically stronger than homophilly andracism. In the second chapter, we study the impact of residential segregation on the whole income distribution. We showthat residential segregation has a positif effect on top incomes for Whites, whereas it has a negatif effect for Blacks at thebottom of the distribution. The effect of residential segregation is even more important than the effect of education inmost cases. In the third chapter, we quantify the impact of each determinant of segregation. We find that the lackof access to basic public services is the main determinant, whereas differences in sociodemographics only account for asmall part in the most segregated areas.

In the 1950s, apartheid policies in the Natal countryside served to oppress the majority of African women more than they had ever been before. Yet ironically, it was their being 'left behind' by the system of migrant labour that goaded them into taking overt action against their condition in 1959. The aim of this mini-dissertation is to trace and explain their struggle against "grand apartheid". These women were a force to be reckoned with, and the government of the day felt temporarily threatened by their actions. This study vehemently rejects the misconception that the African women of the rural areas of Natal were docile, slave-like individuals, who placidly accepted their position. The protest marches in the 1950's, more especially 1959, proved African women to be strong-willed and determined to succeed against all odds. These women emerge as anything but placid and docile. History has shown us that women's oppression is not simply a matter of equal rights or discrimination under the law. African women struggled to be recognised as human beings, no different from any other race. In the early 1950's African women, in most parts of South Africa, became more politically active. They played a significant role in the 1952 Defiance Campaign. Shortly after that a "Women's Charter" was adopted. It sought the liberation of all people, the common society of men and women. It took women like Lilian Ngoyi, who made history in 1956 by leading 20 000 women to the Union Buildings in Pretoria in protest against passes for women, to ignite rolling mass action in the various Provinces. This thesis tells of the contemporary struggle of African women in the 1950's, more especially 1959, in Natal. This is a tribute to the countless African women who have made courageous sacrifices in order for change. It is through their radical and somewhat aggressive stance that we have a lot to be thankful for today. We must be mindful of the fact that in the Apartheid era the law itself was used to oppress people. In our new-found democracy it is pleasing to note that the law is somewhat gender sensitive, so that it does not discriminate against men or women in its application. Many of us who research African women are mere observers, who digest what we read, hear and see. Many of us do not understand the complex African way of life. We tend to employ Eurocentric theories and assumptions, which instead serve as a handicap. Thus the African woman is seen as a victim of the African male, and of traditional customs and practices. We fail to see that African women did from the outset, have varying degrees of economic independence, and that colonialism was responsible for depriving African women of their political as well as economic status. These women can claim a degree of triumph in that in the wake of the mass protest action, it took the government years to implement its policy of passes for women. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of Natal, Durban, 1999.

Abstract available in pdf file.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2003. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: South Africa has a long history of divided towns and cities. The grave inefficiencies and inequalities that developed between the racial communities during these periods must now be redressed in post-apartheid South Africa by integrating and unifying the physical and social structures of the country's urban settlements. In spite of the positive general trends in race relations and attitudes towards residential integration, South African towns and cities generally remain hyper-segregated. This could be an indication that White attitudes pertain only to the principles of integration, but that they do not actually want to live in integrated neighbourhoods themselves. The aim of this study is to assess the influence of racial preference in the dismantling or continuation of segregation in the South African town of Vredenburg during the postapartheid era. This is done by determining the influence that the population group composition of a neighbourhood has on the desirability of living in that neighbourhood when accounting for varying levels of crime and neighbourhood deterioration. A factorial survey questionnaire was used to gather the data, which were then analysed by way of multiple regression analyses. The results of the analyses indicate that the sampled residents of Vredenburg are generally not influenced by the population group composition of the neighbourhood. However, the more unsafe the neighbourhood, the more litter that is strewn about, the lower the housing quality and the more unfriendly the neighbours, the less respondents liked the neighbourhood. The results also indicate that members of the upper socio-economic class are more critical of their neighbourhoods and tend to evaluate them according to stricter criteria than the lower socio-economic classes do. The findings suggest that the racial composition of a neighbourhood per se does not significantly affect the attitudes of Vredenburg's residents towards a neighbourhood. Rather, high levels of crime and residential environmental deterioration are the factors that strongly affect both White and non-White people's views of a neighbourhood. Higher levels of crime and environmental deterioration are commonly associated with the lower socio-economic class. In the case of Vredenburg, vast socio-economic differences exist between the White and non- White residents of the town. These differences are not likely to change considerably in the short term. The continuation of these class differences will most likely be the cause of continued segregation in Vredenburg. Keywords: Apartheid city, Centralisation, Concentration, Evenness, Exposure, Factorial survey, Hyper-segregation, Integration, Multiple regression analysis, Neighbourhood characteristics, Racial preference, Segregation, Segregation indices. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Suid-Afrika het 'n lang geskiedenis van verdeeelde stedelike gebiede. Die erge ongelykhede en oneffektiewe strukture wat tussen die verskillende rassegroepe binne die stedelike gebiede ontstaan het, moet reggestel word in die post-apartheid era. Dit moet gedoen word deur die verdeelde fisiese en sosiale strukture van Suid-Afrika se stedelike gebiede te integreer. Ondanks die algemene positiewe neiging in rasseverhoudings en houdings teenoor residensiële integrasie, bly Suid-Afrikaanse stedelike gebiede steeds hiper-gesegregeerd. Dit kan 'n teken daarvan wees dat Blankes se ingesteldheid slegs positief is teenoor die beginsel van integrasie maar dat hulle nie self in geïntegreerde woonbuurte wil bly nie. Die doel van die studie is om die invloed van rassevoorkeur te bepaal in die aftakeling of voortsetting van segregasie in Vredenburg, Suid-Afrika, gedurende die post-apartheidsera. Dit word gedoen deur die invloed van bevolkingsgroepsamestelling op die begeerte om in daardie buurt te woon te bepaal, in ag genome die invloed van verskillende vlakke van misdaad en omgewingsverval binne daardie woonbuurt. 'n Faktoriale opnamevraelys is gebruik om data in te samel. Die data is daarna ontleed deur middel van veelvuldige regressie-analises. Die resultate van die analises toon dat die inwoners van Vredenburg, wie aan die steekproef deelgeneem het, in die algemeen nie beïnvloed is deur die bevolkingsgroepsamestelling van 'n woonbuurt nie. Daarteenoor het die deelnemers minder gehou van woonbuurte wat meer onveilig is, waarin meer rommel gestrooi is, waarvan die behuisingskwaliteit laer en die bure meer onvriendelik is. Die resultate toon ook dat lede van die hoë sosio-ekonomiese klas meer krities is oor woonbuurte en geneig is om dié areas volgens strenger kriteria te evalueer as die laer sosio-ekonomiese groepe. Die bevindings dui aan dat die rassesamestelling van 'n woonbuurt per se me die ingesteldheid van die dorp se inwoners beduidend beïnvloed nie. Dit is eerder hoë vlakke van misdaad en residensiële omgewingsverval wat beide Bruin en Blanke inwoners se opvattinge oor 'n buurt beduidend beïnvloed. Hoër vlakke van misdaad en omgewingsverval word gewoonlik met die laer SOSIOekonomiese klas geassosieer. In Vredenburg se geval bestaan daar groot sosio-ekonomiese verskille tussen die Blanke en nie-Blanke inwoners van die dorp. Dit is onwaarskynlik dat hierdie verskille in die korttermyn beduidend sal verander. Voortgesette klasverskille sal waarskynlik die oorsaak wees van volgehoue segregasie in Vredenburg. Trefwoorde: Apartheidstad, Blootstelling, Egaligheid, Faktoriale opname, Hiper-segregasie, Integrasie, Konsentrasie, Meervoudige regressie-analise, Rassevoorkeur, Segregasie, Segregasie- indekse, Sentralisasie, Woonbuurtkaraktereienskappe.