Thesis (Ed. D.)--Boston University, 2005. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 560-575).

These (Ph.D.)--University of Waterloo, 2007. / Title from PDF title page. Available through UMI ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 118-131). Also issued in print.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Oklahoma, 2003. / Includes bibliographical references. Also available on the Internet.

Nonviolent Change Journal helps to network the peace community: providing dialoguing, exchanges of ideas, articles, reviews, reports and announcements of the activities of peace related groups and meetings, reviews of world developments relating to nonviolent change and resource information concerning the development of human relations on the basis of mutual respect. The Nonviolent Change Journal is published by the Research/Action Team on Nonviolent Large Systems Change, an interorganizational and international project of The Organization Development Institute.

In recent years, there has been increasing realisation that resource based conflicts constitute one of the most salient threats to the survival of mankind, namely, water. In particular, the fundamental link between water and security can no longer be ignored given the indispensable role of water in the sustenance of human life as well as crucial sectors of agriculture and industry. Since the flow of water does not respect political boundaries, co-operation in the utilisation of dwindling supplies remains the most sustainable option for the future in an era of ecological interdependence. This thesis endeavours to investigate the impact of water as a security issue on the Middle East peace process. This is done within the theoretical framework that is provided by the schools of complex interdependence and new security studies. With the demise of the cold war, and the emergence of an expanded security agenda, water is an important non-military threat especially in the Middle East region. However, even with an expanded security agenda, the case of the Middle East suggests that it remains difficult to discard the hierarchy of security issues advocated by the Realists. The ongoing debate between the schools of complex interdependence and Realism is instructive in determining whether co-operation over water issues, considered "low" politics, is attainable in the absence of resolving "high" politics concerns of territory and security. Given its profound security implications for the Middle East region, water has been accorded a central role in both the bilateral and multilateral peace negotiations. In the context of water scarcity, and rising demographic patterns, the role of water as a facilitator of regional co-operation remains critical. However, for multilateral co-operation over water resources to become a tangible reality, it is the contention of this thesis that both "low" politics issues of water and "high" polities concerns of territory as well as security must be addressed simultaneously.

Orientador: Sebastião Carlos Velasco e Cruz / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-19T18:02:43Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Silva_AnaPaulaMaielo_D.pdf: 2020007 bytes, checksum: e2102d13ef9c61cf2fd82fa2ab69b774 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012 / Resumo: Esta tese analisa a construção da política palestina à luz da articulação entre dois eixos de análise, quais sejam, a natureza e a evolução das dinâmicas na matriz de poder da política palestina e as dinâmicas produzidas pelo conflito com Israel. Argumentou-se que a fragmentação e a disputa por poder entre as elites palestinas constituem fatores fundamentais para explicar a evolução e as dinâmicas do campo político palestino. As diferentes configurações de forças entre as elites políticas palestinas dificultam a formulação de estratégias comuns de ação e, por extensão, possuem um impacto direto sobre o progresso em direção à independência palestina. Ao mesmo tempo, verificou-se que o conflito palestino-israelense, sendo a ocupação dos territórios palestinos o seu principal componente, provocou uma situação de progressiva deterioração sócio-econômica e política na comunidade palestina. O Processo de Oslo favoreceu a expansão da ocupação israelense dos territórios palestinos e trouxe uma série de impactos negativos para a comunidade palestina. Por fim, foi visto que todos esses desdobramentos oriundos do conflito exerceram forte influência nos padrões de mobilização das elites palestinas e, por conseguinte, esses desdobramentos sido outra variável central na construção do campo político palestino e no seu direcionamento / Abstract: This thesis examines the construction of Palestinian politics in the light of the relationship of two axis of analysis, namely, the nature and the evolution of the dynamics in the matrix of power of Palestinian politics and the dynamics produced by the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. It was contended that the fragmentation and the power struggle among Palestinian elites are important factors to explain the development and the dynamics in the Palestinian political field. The different configurations of forces among Palestinian political elites obstruct the formulation of common strategies of action and, as a result, they have a direct impact on the progress towards Palestinian independence. At the same time, it was argued that the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, being the occupation of the Palestinian territories its main component, caused a progressive socio-economic and political deterioration in Palestinian community. The Oslo Process fomented the expansion of Israel occupation of the Palestinian territories and brought up series of negative impacts to the Palestinian community. Lastly, it was seen that all of these developments stemming from the conflict placed strong influence on the mobilization patterns of Palestinian elites. Consequently, they have been another fundamental variable in the construction of the Palestinian political field and in its directions / Doutorado / Ciencia Politica / Doutor em Ciência Política

This study engaged in pushing the current political limitations created by the political impasse of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, by imagining new possibilities for radical political change, agency, and subjectivity for both the international activists volunteering with the International Solidarity Movement as well as Palestinians enduring the brutality of life under occupation. The role of the witness and testimony is brought to bear on activism and rhetoric the social movement ISM in Palestine. Approaches the past studies of the rhetoric of social movements arguing that rhetorical studies often disassociated 'social' from social movements, rendering invisible questions of the social and subjectivity from their frames for evaluation. Using the testimonies of these witnesses, Palestinians and activists, as the rhetorical production of the social movement, this study provides an effort to put the social body back into rhetorical studies of social movements. The relationships of subjectivity and desubjectification, as well as, possession of subjects by agency and the role of the witness with each of these is discussed in terms of Palestinian and activist potential for subjectification and desubjectifiation.

The Middle East conflicts between Palestine and Israel are long-term, ongoing and wide-ranging. Kicking All Odds is an observational documentary that explores women football players from Palestine – both Christian and Muslim girls – who play together and forge a team despite all the hardships they face.

This thesis is an analysis of the Jordanian economic developmental process which demonstrates that it expanded rapidly between 1948 and 1970. During the period under study, Jordan had to face two wars, in 1948 and 1967, which had inverse effects on the economy. After each war, the economy experienced a period of recovery due primarily to government efforts to promote investment; the existence of a more educated people represented by the refugees; and the role of foreign aid. Chapter I is a brief introduction to the Jordanian economy. Chapter II is a discussion of some theories of economic development. Chapters III and IV provide us with a more detailed description of the economic situation before and after the 1967 war. However, the purpose of Chapter V is to incorporate the theory that appears to handle the processes discussed in both Chapters III and IV.

The Gaza Strip may be the world’s most relentless conflict zone. After decades of destruction and resistance, it is hard to imagine a different reality. But before the Gaza Strip, there was Gaza—a gateway city within an eponymous region with a much-neglected history. Stripped is an exploration of the Gaza borderland that aims to salvage Gaza’s past from the conceptual and historiographic shackles imposed by the current reality of the Gaza Strip, as well as to render imaginable a horizon for Gaza beyond this reality. The work is the first to methodologically depart from the common understanding of the Gaza Strip as purely a consequence of the 1948 war. Instead, Stripped situates Gaza within a century-long history of the Eastern Mediterranean’s integration into the global market economy, the Ottoman-British quest for imperial sovereignty over the Sinai-Palestine-Hijaz desert corridor, and the Palestinian struggle to overcome the urban and environmental destruction of World War I in the face of British and Zionist colonialism. Relying on little-studied sources in Arabic, Ottoman Turkish, Hebrew, English, and French, the dissertation explores how the Gaza region adapted to Ottoman agrarian reforms and gravitated into British economic orbit in the Mediterranean. As a result of these processes, Gaza of the late nineteenth century reoriented its economy from land to sea and turned to fully rely on exporting its locally cultivated barley to the British beer-brewing industry overseas. While generating promising growth for some two decades, global demand for grains diversified widely in the early twentieth century, leading to an abrupt collapse of Gaza’s new financial base. Concurrently, the very trade Gaza relied upon sliced this historic borderland into separate zones of imperial domination, turning it into a frontier between the Ottomans and the British. Gaza thus became one of the Middle East’s most devastating battlefronts during the First World War. When Palestine was made a formal political unit under the British Mandate, Gaza was both financially and physically in ruins, forced into a slower, more convoluted historical trajectory than other parts of the country. Ruins and their meanings, therefore, are central to the dissertation’s inquiry, as they turned in the interwar period into a contested ground in the struggle for Gaza’s recovery. Dwelling among the physical debris of their former city, Gazans had to marshal waqf regulations and Ottoman land legislation to restore their urban and agricultural environments against British antiquities preservation and land development schemes. Navigating often contradictory reconstruction initiatives, the people of Gaza toiled to carve themselves a space within the emerging Palestinian national collective as well. However, after a century-long “stripping” of its previous economic, social, and political centrality, Gaza could only remain peripheral to the political upheavals of the Mandate period and finally even remote from the battlefields of the 1948 war. It thus almost naturally emerged as a safe temporary shelter for wartime Palestinian refugees, around which the Israeli and Egyptian armies demarcated the Gaza Strip.