Spelling suggestions: "subject:"arab'israeli conflict"" "subject:"arab'israeli konflict""
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Dependence Upon Oil and its Influence on Foreign PolicyHamel, Howard C. 12 1900 (has links)
This investigation is concerned with determining what influence, if any, results from the dependence upon foreign sources of petroleum by the United States, France, Great Britain, and the Soviet Union. The influence that petroleum plays upon the changing attitudes of these four nations towards Israel and the Arab nations is ascertained by the utilization of primary and secondary sources.
The study analyzes all the resolutions that have been adopted by the United Nations Security Council in the years between 1948 and 1976 dealing specifically with the Arab-Israeli conflict. Other chapters analyze each of the four nations to which attention is being directed. This study concludes that the growing and continuing dependence upon Arab oil has influenced the foreign policies the four nations have assumed toward the Arab-Israeli conflict.
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[en] THE MEDIATOR`S BEHAVIOUR IN THE ARAB-ISRAELI CONFLICT / [pt] O COMPORTAMENTO DO MEDIADOR NO CONFLITO ENTRE ÁRABES E ISRAELENSESBARBARA SAMPAIO VIEIRA DUARTE 01 December 2003 (has links)
[pt] O objetivo desta dissertação é verificar se o comportamento
do mediador no conflito entre árabes e israelenses está de
acordo com a definição dada pelo modelo de mediação
internacional. As duas vertentes principais desse modelo
usadas aqui são a mediação tradicional e a mediação de
segunda via, que determinam condutas diferenciadas para
seus respectivos mediadores. Três processos foram
selecionados para a análise e discussão das atividades e
comportamentos de cada tipo de mediador. O primeiro caso
trata da mediação feita pelo secretário de Estado americano
Henry Kissinger entre Egito, Síria e Israel na década de
70. O segundo processo é a negociação conduzida pelo
presidente Jimmy Carter entre Israel e Egito que assinaram
os acordos de Camp David em 1978. E a terceira mediação é a
feita entre israelenses e palestinos por representantes
noruegueses de janeiro a agosto de 1993. / [en] The purpose of this dissertation is to verify whether the
mediators behaviour in the conflict between Arabs and
Israelis fits the definition of the international mediation
model. The two main types of mediation used in this
analysis, official mediation and pure mediation, define
different behaviours to their respective mediators. Three
case studies were chosen to analyse and discuss the
activities and behaviours of each type of mediator. The
first case refers to the mediation of the American
Secretary of State Henry Kissinger between Egypt, Syria and
Israel in the 70s. The second case studied here is the
mediation of US President Jimmy Carter between Israel and
Egypt, which culminated in the signing of the Camp David
accords in 1978. And the last mediation studied here is the
one of Norwegian representatives between Israelis and
Palestinians from January to August 1993.
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The Function of Religion in the Israeli-Palestinian ConflictMitchell, Stephanie Claire 01 September 2017 (has links)
The role of religion in politics has been rising to the forefront of history in the Middle East for a number of decades and more so since 9/11, raising significant questions as to whether religion functions as a catalyst for conflict or peace. This thesis focuses specifically on the role of religion in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and the manner in which actors incorporate religion into their national politics. In doing so, the inquiry focuses on the proponents of religion on both the Jewish and the Palestinian sides in addressing a) territorial rights, b) interpretations in the use of deadly force and violence, and c) interpretations of the final political goal to be attained. In the context of the broader nationalism of each side, the study reflects on different approaches to religion and how they may provide perspectives that are either catalytic to conflict or catalytic to building peace. In this light, the inquiry of this thesis analyzes and contrasts religious nationalism and pro-peace religiosity, concluding with implications and directives for conflict resolution.
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The "Distant Neighbor" matters : the role of the U.S. and its impact on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict / Distant neighbor matters : the role of the US and its impact on the Israeli-Palestinian conflictWong, Ka Kei January 2011 (has links)
University of Macau / Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities / Department of Government and Public Administration
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Tackling the intractable : Palestinian refugees and the search for Middle East peace /Chiller-Glaus, Michael. January 2007 (has links) (PDF)
Univ., Diss.--Basel, 2006.
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A Sine Qua Non Of War And Peace In The Middle East: SyriaOzen, Berna 01 September 2004 (has links) (PDF)
The objective of this thesis is to analyze the place of Syria in the Arab-Israeli conflict and in the Middle East peace process in the period between the 1948 war and 2000. In this context, the aim is to find out an answer to the question of how Syria acquired its central place in the conflict and a critical role in the peace process. Accordingly, the thesis consists of three main parts. In the first part of the study, the central place of Syria in the wars against Israel is examined. In the second part of the study, the challenges Syria faced during the 1980s and 1990s, and how these challenges affected the Syrian position in its relations with Israel are discussed. In the third part, the critical role of Syria in the bilateral negotiations between Syria and Israel is scrutinized. Finally, this thesis is concluded in with the developments occured in the Middle East in the period between 2000 and today.
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Before the uprising the organization and mobilization of Palestinian workers and women in the Israeli-occupied West Bank and Gaza Strip /Hiltermann, Joost R. January 1900 (has links)
Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, Santa Cruz, 1988. / Typescript. Includes bibliographical references (leaves [614]-620).
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The framing of the coverage of the Gaza withdrawal by Israeli forces in the Cape Times, Mail & Guardian and Sunday Times from July 1, 2005 to September 12, 2005Silke, Bryan David 03 1900 (has links)
Thesis (MPhil)--University of Stellenbosch, 2007. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The Israeli-Palestinian conflict cannot be classified as an isolated conflict. Today’s clashes
were not triggered by a single event, but rather are as a result of thousands of years of violent
and at times restrained disagreements about the rights of Jews, Muslims and other ethnic
groups to the disputed land known collectively today as Israel and the Palestinian Territories.
This study examines the media coverage of one event during the conflict, i.e. the withdrawal
by Israeli settlers from the Gaza area. The study tracks coverage over ten weeks in the South
African media context, specifically the Mail & Guardian, Cape Times and the Sunday Times
– a media setting in itself highly diverse and compelling.
Using a qualitative framing analysis as the central methodology, the study focused on
six core frames in analysing all articles/reports relating to the Gaza withdrawal. In addition,
the editors of the respective newspapers were interviewed to complement the textual analysis.
The methodological approach addressed how each story was packaged and presented, and
then questioned why certain frames dominated and others did not.
The study found that conflict (a combination of violent and non-violent) was the
dominant frame chosen. Consequences and Attribution of Responsibility were the next two
most prominent frames. Both these frames were found to apportion blame to a particular side
in presenting the news reports and when providing comment. Whilst all three newspapers
argued that they practiced a balanced coverage, it was this perceived “balance” in using
several different frames of presentation that neglected a key “historical” frame. This lack of
historical context was one of the key results of the other frames being so dominant. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die konflik tussen Israel en Palestina kan nie gesien word as ’n geïsoleerde konflik nie. Die
huidige konflik is nie veroorsaak deur ’n enkele gebeurtenis nie, maar spruit uit die
voortslepende geweld tussen Jode, Moslems en ander etniese groepe wat reeds duisende jare
lank duur, as gevolg van betwiste aansprake op die grondgebied gesamentlik bekend as Israel
en die Palestynse grondgebied. Dié studie ondersoek die mediadekking van een gebeurtenis in
die konflik, naamlik die onttrekking van Israeli setlaars in die Gaza-gebied. Die studie volg
mediadekking oor tien weke deur drie Suid-Afrikaanse publikasies, Mail & Guardian, Cape
Times en Sunday Times.
Met behulp van kwalitatiewe raming-analise as die sentrale metodologie, konsentreer
dié studie op ses rame in die analise van artikels, wat verband hou met die onttrekking uit die
Gasastrook. Die navorsing word aangevul met onderhoude met die redakteurs van die
koerante. Die metodologie is toegespits op die manier waarop die stories verpak en aangebied
word, en bevraagteken waarom sekere raamwerke oorheers en ander van minder belang is.
Die studie bevind dat Konflik (’n samestelling van geweldadige en nie-geweldadige
konflik) die oorheersende raam was waarbinne artikels in dié tydperk aangebied is. Die
Gevolge- en Toeskrywing van Verantwoordelikheid-rame kom ná konflik die meeste voor.
By albei raamwerke word bevind dat skuld aan die een of ander kant toegeskryf word in die
aanbiedeing van nuusverslae en wanneer kommentaar gelewer word. Hoewel al drie koerante
volhou dat hulle gebalanseerde dekking aanbied, word ’n belangrike “historiese” raam in dié
aanbieding verontagsaam as gevolg van die gebruik van verskeie rame om balans te
bewerkstellig. Die gebrek aan ’n historiese konteks is een van die vernaamste gevolge van die
oorheersing van die ander rame.
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The Arab-Israeli conflict : a religious investigationLewis, Desireè Fronya 11 1900 (has links)
The Arab-Israeli conflict is examined from its religious aspect, presenting people's
experience of religion without passing judgement. Selected concepts are compared and
contrasted and interpreted hermeneutically. The roots of the antagonism are traced back
historically, showing that it comprises more than a claim to the same geographical
territory. Each religion's notion of statehood is described. Internally Jewish-Zionist
friction over the ceding of territory arises through divergent interpretations of the same
texts; Islam, Nationalism and religious rivalry, being at variance, have engendered Arab
tensions. Their respective doctrines on war and peace suggest, broadly speaking, a
Jewish-Zionist leaning to shalom, and Islam-Arab Nationalism to jihad (struggle). While
the religious perspective does leave an opening for a solution to the conflict, pragmatism
may lead to compromise. Finally the suggestion is made that the religious dimension is
necessary for a holistic understanding of political issues / Religious Studies and Arabic / M.A. (Religious Studies)
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Corruption in the Palestinian Authority : neo-patrimonialism, the peace process and the absence of state-hoodFangalua, Luciane Fuefue-O-Lakepa January 2012 (has links)
The thesis examines the practice of corruption in the Palestinian Authority (PA) from the period of its establishment until the death of Arafat. Palestinian elite formation from the late Ottoman period until the establishment of the PA was assessed in order to identify the elites that came into power in the PA and the political cultures they came to espouse. The two primary elite groups’ (Outsider elites and Insider counter-elites) conflicting political cultures were assessed in how they influenced the decision making process, the construction, and exhibited institutional behaviour of the PA. With the signing of the Declaration of Principles on Interim Self-Government Arrangements (Oslo Accords) on the 13th of September, 1993 between the Palestine Liberation Organisation (PLO) and the Government of Israel it established the Palestinian Authority as the government in transition for the Palestinians. The agreements conferred the governing power and leadership role to the PLO Outsider elites (under Arafat). Due to the secret nature and asymmetrical power relation by which the negotiations and agreements were conducted and signed between the PLO Outsider leadership and the Government of Israel, which excluded inputs from Palestinian Insider elites, the culminating PA structure came to exhibit institutional weakness with certain neo-patrimonial behaviour. The political framework by which the Oslo Accords constructed the PA and influenced by international actors warranted institutional-weakness. Moreover, as external actors’ demands for the PA to deal with the declining Peace Process, and address political and security issues increased, PA corruption behaviour became more apparent and proliferated which became indicative of its fundamental problem in that it lacked statehood, lacked authority and legitimacy, and thus resorted to neo-patrimonial and repressive methods to govern. This neo-patrimonial political culture of Arafat and his governing Outsider elites used corruption as a PA political tool for survival thus suppressing a nascent democratic political culture of the Insiders and consequently led to an institutionalisation of corruption in the PA.
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