Archaeologists grapple with the problematic nature of archaeological discovery. Certain types of sites are difficult to see even in the best environmental conditions (e.g., low-density lithic scatters) and performing traditional archaeological survey is challenging in some environments, such as the dense temperate rain forests of the Pacific Northwest. Archaeologists need another method of survey to assess large areas and overcome environmental and archaeological barriers to site discovery in regions like the Pacific Northwest. LiDAR (light detection and ranging) technology, a method for digitally clearing away swaths of vegetation and surveying the landscape, is one possible solution to some of these archaeological problems. The Calapooia Watershed in the southern Willamette Valley in Oregon is an ideal area to focus LiDAR's unique archaeological capabilities, as the region is heavily wooded and known to contain hundreds of low-lying earthwork features or mounds. Modern Indigenous Communities, such as the Confederated Tribes of Grand Ronde, consider the Willamette Valley mound sites highly sensitive locations, as ethnographic accounts and limited archaeological work indicate that some are burial sites. However, these mounds have received little archaeological study. Land ownership (94 percent privately owned), dense vegetation that obscures mounds, and the sheer expanse of the landscape (234,000 acres) have impeded professional archaeological research. The focus of this thesis is the development and the testing of a LiDAR and remote sensing predictive model to see if this type of model can detect where potential mound sites are located in the Calapooia Watershed, Oregon. The author created a LiDAR and remote sensing predictive model using ArcMap 10.5.1, LiDAR, and publicly available aerial imagery; manipulating data using standard hydrological tools in ArcMap. The resulting model was successful in locating extant previously identified mound sites. The author then conducted field work and determined that the model was also successful in identifying seven new, previously unrecorded mound sites in the watershed. The author also identified several possible patterns in mound location and characteristics through exploratory model analysis and fieldwork; this exploratory analysis highlights areas for future mound research. This project has clearly established a method and a model appropriate for archaeological mound prospection in the Willamette Valley. This project also shows the efficacy of LiDAR predictive models and feature extraction methods for archaeological work, which can be modified for use in other regions of the Pacific Northwest and beyond. Furthermore, by identifying these mounds I have laid the groundwork for future studies that may continue to shed light on why and how people created these mounds, which will add valuable information to a poorly understood site type and cultural practice.

The town of St. Joseph, established in 1835, served as an important deep-water port for receiving and shipping dry goods up the Apalachicola River north along the vast network of navigable inland waterways in southeastern U.S. during the early nineteenth century. Unfortunately, this town was hit with a yellow fever epidemic and a series of hurricanes that, combined with the infancy of its cotton trade activities, eventually devastated its economy and population. The town disappeared by 1842, only much later to be replaced by modern Port St. Joe (est. 1909), located north of the original settlement. However, St. Joseph's influence upon Florida's economy was paramount. It hosted Florida's first constitutional convention, where the first five constitutions were drafted. Despite St. Joseph's historical gravity, little was known about its economic impact to Florida; much of its history is shrouded in folklore. Recently a large artifact collection from St. Joseph was made available for professional research. The collector invited me to document the materials and do the first archaeological investigation of this lost town. This research also utilizes the material culture to examine questions of early nineteenth-century capitalism and consumer behavior.

This study couples biological data with aspects of material culture and mortuary ritual for several sites within the proposed Coosa chiefdom described by sixteenth-century Spanish accounts to explore how cultural identities were actively constructed and maintained within the region. The primary goal is to examine regional interactions between these communities and their constructions of social identity and sociopolitical dynamics vis à vis their biological affinities. Questions regarding regional interactions between these groups have been a stimulus for archaeological debate. These interactions may have played a crucial role in the construction of separate cultural identities. What is not clear is to what extent differences in cultural identity reflect or are related to differences in biological relationships. The skeletal samples used in this study represent six Late Mississippian archaeological sites assigned to three archaeological phases: the Dallas Phase, Fains Island (40JE1), Cox (40AN19), and David Davis (40HA301) sites; the Mouse Creek Phase, Ledford Island (40BY13) site; and the Barnett Phase, King (9FL5) and Little Egypt (9MU102) sites. Twenty-seven dental and 22 cranial nonmetric traits were recorded for 923 individuals. Biological affinities were calculated using the Mahalanobis D2 statistic for the cranial and dental non-metric traits. Biological Distance measures were compared to a geographic matrix to examine isolation by distance between the sites. Further analysis was conducted by constructing an R matrix to examine levels of heterogeneity. Comparisons between biological distance and geographical distances suggest that the samples used in this analysis do not conform to the expected isolation-by-distance model. Furthermore, East Tennessee groups appear distinct from their North Georgia neighbors suggesting little biological interaction between these groups. The results of the biological distance analysis conforms to differences in material culture and mortuary ritual between these groups. The results suggests that if there was a political alliance within the region for this period it is not associated with biological relatedness nor did it act as a unifying force for individual communities’ cultural identity.

Using only one line of evidence for a study of historic sites can be problematic if it does not provide a complete picture of the material culture or lifeways of a people, group, or community. In order to understand the ideas and objects, of culture present at historic sites, it is necessary to use archaeological methodologies with vernacular architecture studies and folklore to create a more holistic image of the world and its inhabitants. To facilitate this, I conducted original research on a mineral spring resort, Massey Springs Resort (Massey Springs) in Warren County, Kentucky, a popular resort in the early 1900s. This project examines the site in terms of its archaeological resources, primary and secondary archival data, and vernacular architectural resources. Since there are no standing structures, Massey Springs is worthwhile example of the explicit need of using a multidisciplinary and integrated approach to investigate past lifeways.

The Ais were a Native American group who lived along the Atlantic shoreline of Florida south of Cape Canaveral. This coastal population’s position adjacent to a major shipping route afforded them numerous encounters with the Atlantic world that linked Europe, Africa, the Caribbean, and the Americas. Through their exploitation of the goods and peoples from the European shipwrecks thrown ashore, coupled with their careful manipulation of other Atlantic contacts, the Ais polity established an influential domain in central east Florida during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. The pre-contact peoples of Florida’s east coast, including the ancestors of the Ais, practiced a maritime adaptation concentrated on the exploitation of their bountiful riverine, estuarine, and marine environments. The Ais then modified their maritime skills to cope with the opportunities and challenges that accompanied European contact. Using their existing aquatic abilities, they ably salvaged goods and castaways from the Spanish, French, English, and Dutch vessels dashed on the rocks and reefs of Florida’s coast. The Ais’ strategic redistribution of these materials and peoples to other Florida Native Americans, the Spaniards of St. Augustine, and other passing Europeans gained them greater influence. This process, which I call indigenous wrecking, enabled the Ais to expand their domain on the peninsula. Coastal Florida Native Americans’ maritime abilities also attracted the attention of Europeans. In the late seventeenth century, English buccaneers and salvagers raided Florida’s east coast to capture indigenous divers, whom they sent to work the wreck of a sunken Spanish treasure ship located in the Bahamas. The English subsequently sold the surviving Native American captives to other Caribbean slave markets. Despite population losses to such raids, the Ais and other peoples of the east coast thrived on Atlantic exchange and used their existing maritime adaptation to resist colonial intrusions until the start of the eighteenth century. This dissertation thus offers a narrative about Native Americans and the Atlantic that is unlike most Southeastern Indian stories. The Ais used their maritime adaptation and the process of indigenous wrecking to engage and exploit the arriving Atlantic world. In the contact era, the Ais truly became Atlantic Ais.

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This thesis looks at the pueblo theory as it was presented: whether there is anything supporting Rogers' theory, whether a pueblo could have existed in the area, and why the claim has been generally accepted by the archaeological community.

This thesis discusses mining cabin sites from the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries as cultural resources. Special attention is given the concept of "description" in regards to discussion of the resource category, history, and physical attributes of the sites. Evaluation and management suggestions are presented for this particular resource category. To aid in the process of identification of log cabin notching, a typology of notches is developed and presented within the context of the thesis.

In the Adams Collection at the Tillamook County Pioneer Museum, Tillamook, Oregon, there are 29 baskets that were probably made between 1880 and 1940. They are mostly of raffia, are somewhat faded from their original, bright, commercial colors, and are generally quite small. Despite the fact that these baskets are well-documented and were made by Tillamook women, they are the sort that have been overlooked by anthropologists and by collectors because of their non-"traditional" appearance. In order to determine what relationship these baskets have to Tillamook basketry made earlier, I analyzed them and 39 Tillamook baskets from four other museum collections for features of structural and.decorative techniques, shape, size, and stitch qualities, and noted the.materials used.

Social inequality is a trademark of Northwest Coast native societies, and the relationship between social prestige and resource control, particularly resource ownership, is an important research issue on the Northwest Coast. Faunal remains are one potential but as yet underutilized path for examining this relationship. My thesis work takes on this approach through the analysis of fish remains from the Cathlapotle archaeological site (45CL1). Cathlapotle is a large Chinookan village site located on the Lower Columbia River that was extensively excavated in the 1990s. Previous work has established prestige distinctions between houses and house compartments, making it possible to examine the relationship between prestige and the spatial distribution of fish remains. In this study, I examine whether having high prestige afforded its bearers greater access to preferred fish, utilizing comparisons of fish remains at two different levels of social organization, between and within households, to determine which social mechanisms could account for potential differences in access to fish resources. Differential access to these resources within the village could have occurred through household-level ownership of harvesting sites or control over the post-harvesting distribution of food by certain individuals. Previous work in this region on the relationship between faunal remains and prestige has relied heavily on ethnohistoric sources to determine the relative value of taxa. These sources do not provide adequate data to make detailed comparisons between all of the taxa encountered at archaeological sites, so in this study I utilize optimal foraging theory as an alternative means of determining which fish taxa were preferred. Optimal foraging theory provides a universal, quantitative analytical rule for ranking fish that I was able to apply to all of the taxa encountered at Cathlapotle. Given these rankings, which are based primarily on size, I examine the degree to which relative prestige designations of two households (Houses 1 and 4) and compartments within one of those households (House 1) are reflected in the spatial distribution of fish remains. I also offer a new method for quantifying sturgeon that utilizes specimen weight to account for differential fragmentation rates while still allowing for sturgeon abundance to be compared to the abundances of other taxa that have been quantified by number of identified specimens (NISP). Based on remains recovered from 1/4" mesh screens, comparisons between compartments within House 1 indicate that the chief and possibly other elite members of House 1 likely had some control over the distribution of fish resources within their household, taking more of the preferred sturgeon and salmon, particularly more chinook salmon, for themselves. Comparisons between households provide little evidence to support household-based ownership of fishing sites. A greater abundance of chinook salmon in the higher prestige House 1 may indicate ownership of fishing platforms at major chinook fisheries such as Willamette Falls or Cascades Rapids, but other explanations for this difference between households are possible. Analyses of a limited number of bulk samples, which were included in the study in order to examine utilization of very small fishes, provided insufficient data to allow for meaningful intrasite comparisons. These data indicate that the inhabitants of Cathlapotle were exploiting a broad fish subsistence base that included large numbers of eulachon and stickleback in addition to the larger fishes. This study provides a promising approach for examining prestige on the Northwest Coast and expanding our understanding of the dynamics between social inequality and resource access and control.