The thesis explores the history of the Scottish Enlightenment in its transatlantic context and, in particular, the diffusion of Scottish Enlightenment moral philosophy in late eighteenth and early nineteenth-century Scotland and the United States. This project is the first full-scale attempt to examine the tensions between late eighteenth-century Scottish Enlightenment intellectual culture and counter-Enlightenment interests in the Atlantic World. My comparative study focuses on two of the most influential university educators in Scotland and the newly-founded United States. These are Dugald Stewart at the University of Edinburgh and Samuel Stanhope Smith at the College of New Jersey (which later became Princeton University). Stewart and Smith are ideal for a transatlantic comparative project of this kind, because of their close parallels as moral philosophy professors at the University of Edinburgh (1785-1810) and the College of New Jersey (1779-1812) respectively; their conflicts with ecclesiastical factions and counter-Enlightenment policies in the first decade of the nineteenth century; and finally their uses and adaptations of Scottish Enlightenment moral philosophy. The broader question I address is how the diffusion and fate of Scottish Enlightenment moral thought was affected by the different institutional and, above all, religious contexts in which it was taught. Dugald Stewart’s and Stanhope Smith’s interpretations of central philosophical themes reflected their desire to improve the state of society by educating enlightened and virtuous young men who would later enter careers in public life. In doing so, their teaching of natural religion and metaphysics brought them into conflict with religious factions, namely American religious revivalists on Princeton’s Board of Trustees and members of the Scottish ecclesiastical Moderate party, who believed that revealed religion should provide the foundation of education. The controversies that emerged from these tensions did not develop in an intellectual vacuum. My research illustrates how the American and Scottish reception of the French Revolution; the 1793-1802 Scottish Sedition Trials; Scottish and American ‘polite’ culture; Scottish secular and ecclesiastical politics; American Federalist and Republican political debates; American student riots between 1800 and 1807; and American religious revivalism affected Smith’s and Stewart’s programmes of moral education. While I identify this project as an example of cultural and intellectual history, it also advances interests in the history of education, ecclesiastical history, transnational history, and comparative history. The thesis has two main parts. The first consists of three chapters on Dugald Stewart’s system of moral education: the circumstances in which Stewart developed his moral education as a modern version of Thomas Reid’s so-called Common Sense philosophy, Stewart’s applied ethics, and finally, his defence of the Scottish Enlightenment in the context of the 1805 John Leslie case. Complementing the chronology and themes in part one, the second part consists of three chapters on Smith’s programme of moral education: the circumstances that gave rise to Smith’s creation of the Princeton Enlightenment, Smith’s applied ethics, and finally, Smith’s defence of his system of moral education in the contexts of what he saw as two converging counter- Enlightenment factions (religious revivalists and rebellious students) at Princeton. In examining these areas, I argue that Dugald Stewart and Samuel Stanhope Smith attempted to systematically sustain Scottish Enlightenment ideas (namely Scottish philosophy) and values (‘Moderatism’) against counter-Enlightenment movements in higher education.

Historians have long been drawn to the story of Barbados and the tales of sugar, slavery, empire, and wealth that defined the colonial history of this small West Indian island lying on the southeastern margins of the Caribbean Sea. First settled by the English in 1627, it quickly developed into ‘one of the richest Spotes of ground in the wordell’ after the introduction of sugar cane agriculture in the early 1640s and, by 1660, had become one of the most valuable and influential colonial possessions in the western hemisphere. Barbados was famous in its own time, especially after Richard Ligon, a three year resident on the island from 1647 to 1650, wrote his popular A True and Exact History of the Iland of Barbados in 1657. In this work, he vividly described a range of topics that included the island’s exotic flora and fauna, the methods used to convert cane into sugar, the trials many experienced in adjusting to life in the tropics, and the arrival of enslaved Africans for a public eager to receive such information on the distant domains of a growing empire. Contemporary scholars followed Ligon with other works in which Barbados figured prominently, such as John Oldmixon’s The British Empire in America (1708) and two important natural histories by Hans Sloane (1708) and Griffith Hughes (1750). It also served as the setting for many popular works, including a brief poem by the well-known English bard Richard Flecknoe and Richard Steele’s famous newspaper serial ‘Inkle and Yariko. Academic interest in the island’s past has also remained high since the eighteenth-century, with historians consistently drawn to Barbados’ integral role in the development of sugarcane agriculture based on enslaved African labour and the influence this had on England’s imperial mission. As B.W. Higman explains: the colonial history of the Caribbean is commonly characterized by the intimate relationship of sugar and slavery…and the defining moment of that relationship is located in the sugar revolution, beginning in Barbados in the middle of the seventeenth century. It is the sugar revolution above all which has come to represent the vital watershed, starkly separating the history of the islands from that of the mainland, not merely in terms of agricultural economy, but in almost every area of life, from demography, to social structure, wealth, settlement patterns, culture, and politics. Higman’s quotation highlights the important work on the island’s past that has already been completed by modern historians, especially in regard to sugar, slavery, and their combined effects upon the economic and political relationships that dominated the planters’ lives. Richard Dunn, for example, notes that ‘we have detailed political and institutional histories of the several Caribbean colonies in the seventeenth centuries and excellent studies of Stuart colonial policy in the West Indies.’ Books such as those written by Dunn, Vincent Harlow, Gary Puckrein, Larry Gragg, Noel Deerr, Richard Pares, Carl and Roberta Bridenbaugh, Richard Sheridan, Russell Menard, and Hilary Beckles have successfully highlighted the importance of Barbados’ place within the sugar-producing Caribbean and have helped to contribute to the further understanding of the relationship between the development of the plantation complex, the growing power of the West Indian planter, and the forced enslavement of a large African population. Combined, these authors adequately cover most of the important events in Barbadian history, ranging from the early settlement period and the emergence of sugar to the emancipation of the enslaved in 1834. Nevertheless, gaps in the historiography still exist, leaving several significant periods of the island’s history under-analyzed and misunderstood. One such lacuna exists for the twenty-year period between 1680 and 1700, a vital two decades that represented great tragedy, violence, and change throughout the English empire from an ugly combination of rebellion, revolution, and war. These events profoundly influenced and altered the lives of the 66,000 people living on Barbados. Yet, many historians gloss over this period in favor of either the island’s early settlement period or later emancipation era. They often avoid the 1680s and 1690s by hastily contending that the two decades were a period of relative decline defined by a combination of low prices, limited supply, infertile soil, war, and disease. Historians often attempt to justify these assertions by pointing to two contemporary documents that, when read in tandem, appear to paint a dismal picture of island conditions during this era. The first of these is the 1680 census, a compilation of demographic statistics collected by each parish vestry at the request of Governor Sir Jonathon Atkins in 1679. Under intense suspicion from the Lords of Trade and Plantations for not following the proper protocol concerning colonial laws and for refusing to send requested information back to England, Atkins demanded the name, location, acreage, and labor force of every landowner living on the island. He also collected specific accounts of the militia, island fortifications, and emigration, while receiving tallies of the Anglican baptisms, deaths, and marriages that occurred in each parish. Many historians use these demographic statistics to draw important conclusions about Barbados, including the continuing consolidation of the island’s limited acreage by the elite, the wealthy’s dominance of politics and the military, the lopsided burial to baptism rate, the high number of white emigrants, and the near-complete replacement of indentured servants by enslaved Africans.

This dissertation analyzes the impact of musical transatlanticism on the identities of American communities. I do so through case studies in three time periods: seventeenth-century colonial Massachusetts, the post-Revolutionary Early American Republic, and early twentieth-century Progressive era Chicago. I develop an Atlantic musicology approach that which moves beyond national and nationalist frameworks and traces the strong and lasting musical connections between America and Europe. I explore three kinds of musical transatlanticism: the migration of musicians, the transmission of musical works, and the circulation of ideas about music. Music that crossed the Atlantic Ocean underwent changes wrought by transcription, translation, and contrafacting, and I argue that these changes were instrumental to the self-fashioning of American identity. Intercultural encounter and ideas of difference also drove communities to delineate their conceptual boundaries, although not without ambivalence. Ever in a state of flux, music reflected groups’ self-conceptions both locally and for transatlantic audiences in an ongoing process of conscious and unconscious musical adaptation. A wide-ranging project such as this demands a myriad of historical sources, which range from printed musical volumes to newspapers to diaries and letters. These variegated materials call for an interdisciplinary approach, and I draw on analytic methods from musicology, archival methods from history, and interpretive lenses from ethnomusicology and Atlantic history. I begin with an introduction that elucidates the conceptual and historiographical stakes of the project. The first two case studies focus on puritan psalmody in the seventeenth century. Chapter 1 analyzes puritan ideas about the affective power of music to promote personal piety, and Chapter 2 examines the role of music in colonial encounters with the native population of southern New England. Moving to the late eighteenth century, Chapter 3 traces the circulation of political song, particularly partisan and patriotic American contrafacta of British tunes, through the public print sphere. Chapter 4 turns to the domestic sphere, using one woman’s musical activities as a guide through the contemporary debates over feminine musical accomplishment. Chapter 5 enters Progressive-era Chicago, where European immigrants brought Old World folk repertories to the aesthetically and civically idealistic programs at the Hull-House Settlement. / Music

This dissertation focuses on the relationship between cotton, slavery and finance. At its core is a consideration of the Atlantic credit networks that supported the cultivation of cotton across the antebellum South. Planters relied on credit to finance their operating costs from year to year. The credit they received from British merchant banking houses made slavery a tenable labor regime in the antebellum South and enabled the plantation complex to function. This in turn contributed to the expansion of the American economy. The evolution of banking practices and credit mechanisms prompted by the burgeoning trade in cotton and the banking infrastructure developed to support this activity stimulated British industrialization and economic growth. The links between slavery and the development of an Anglo-American financial world are traced here through an examination of cotton sales, consignments and advances made to Southern planters. This dissertation highlights how cotton and the long reach of international finance in turn shaped banking practices across the Atlantic world. / History

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<p>This master's essay is about seasonality in Bristols slave trade until the American Revolution 1776. The essay uses the Voyages database as the primary material. The essay's method is to study monthly distribution at different points of the slave trade – the departure from Bristol and the arrival at the American destination. The seasonality of slave purchases in Africa is primarly studied through the monthly distribution of departures from Bristol for a specific region in Africa. This methodological choice is based on the lack of coverage of African arrival dates. The theoretical groundwork in the essay is foremost based on Henri Lefebvre's concept of rhytm analysis. The results of the essay show that there usually was some seasonality in the different parts of Bristol's slave trade. The essay tries to relate this seasonality with possible explanations, like the need of provisions, trade goods, harvest cycles in Africa and America, though the essay doesn't have any pretensions of proving actual causal relations, just that the seasonality of the slave trade coincided with other seasonal cycles.</p>

This master's essay is about seasonality in Bristols slave trade until the American Revolution 1776. The essay uses the Voyages database as the primary material. The essay's method is to study monthly distribution at different points of the slave trade – the departure from Bristol and the arrival at the American destination. The seasonality of slave purchases in Africa is primarly studied through the monthly distribution of departures from Bristol for a specific region in Africa. This methodological choice is based on the lack of coverage of African arrival dates. The theoretical groundwork in the essay is foremost based on Henri Lefebvre's concept of rhytm analysis. The results of the essay show that there usually was some seasonality in the different parts of Bristol's slave trade. The essay tries to relate this seasonality with possible explanations, like the need of provisions, trade goods, harvest cycles in Africa and America, though the essay doesn't have any pretensions of proving actual causal relations, just that the seasonality of the slave trade coincided with other seasonal cycles.

Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2017-10-20T12:58:42Z No. of bitstreams: 1 beatrizcarvalhodossantos.pdf: 2722624 bytes, checksum: ea3e4cbcac2a5529c7dfe3b2f2a121b8 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2017-10-21T13:11:50Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 beatrizcarvalhodossantos.pdf: 2722624 bytes, checksum: ea3e4cbcac2a5529c7dfe3b2f2a121b8 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-10-21T13:11:50Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 beatrizcarvalhodossantos.pdf: 2722624 bytes, checksum: ea3e4cbcac2a5529c7dfe3b2f2a121b8 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-08-01 / CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / A primeira experiência portuguesa na África abaixo do Saara, ainda em meados do século XV, foi marcada pela presença em duas regiões que vieram a formar um espaço integrado; neste trabalho chamada de “Guiné do Cabo Verde”. Esse espaço compreendia tanto as ilhas de Cabo Verde quanto também a costa da Guiné, entre o rio Senegal e a Serra Leoa, na altura de Cape Mount. Os acontecimentos em ambas as regiões estiveram estritamente conectados, uma vez que nas ilhas o povoamento por portugueses em momento algum se descolou das dinâmicas da Costa. O comércio interligado, a presença de escravos e mulheres que vieram a formar a miscigenada sociedade das ilhas foram alguns desses fatores de coesão. Para além disso, muito do observado na formação social insular, devia-se tanto à realidade africana, quanto ao seu passado histórico, marcado por uma crioulização primária. Nesse contexto, indivíduos como André Álvares de Almada, André Donelha e Francisco de Lemos Coelho foram expoentes de um fenômeno social observado tanto na elite das ilhas, como, posteriormente, em outras sociedades Atlânticas. É sobre suas vidas, contexto, trajetórias e obras que esse trabalho se dedica, pensando a formação de suas identidades e reflexos em seus memoriais, produzidos após décadas como comerciantes no espaço cabo-verdiano-guineense. / The first Portuguese experience in sub-Saharan Africa, still in the mid-fifteenth century, was marked by presence in two regions that formed an integrated space, in this work called "Guinean Cape Verde". This area included both the Cape Verde Islands as well as the Guinean coast, between the Senegal River and Sierra Leone, close of Cape Mount. The events in both regions were strictly connected, since in the islands the settlement by Portuguese at no time detached itself from the dynamics of the Coast. The interconnected trade, the presence of slaves and women who came to form the miscegenated society of the islands were some of these factors of cohesion. Moreover, much of what was observed in the insular social formation was due both to the African reality and to its historical past, marked by a primary creolization. In this context, individuals such as André Álvares de Almada, André Donelha and Francisco de Lemos Coelho were exponents of a social phenomenon observed both in the elite of the islands and later in other Atlantic societies. It is about their lives, context, trajectories and works that this work is dedicated, thinking the formation of their identities and reflections in their memorials, produced after decades as traders in the Cape Verdean-Guinean space.

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Depuis les années 1960, l’histoire de l’esclavage et celle des Révolutions atlantiques se sont taillé une place de conséquence sur la scène historiographique. Ces développements ont eu un effet bénéfique sur la représentation des populations d’origine africaine dans la littérature historique, contribuant notamment à remettre sur la carte la Révolution haïtienne à partir des années 1990-2000. Ce mémoire a pour objet de se pencher sur un certain nombre de travaux sur les différentes révolutions des Amériques, soit l’américaine, l’haïtienne et les sud-américaines, afin d’étudier la place changeante que les historien.ne.s accordent à l’agentivité des Noir.e.s surtout esclaves. Le premier chapitre suit l’évolution de cette historiographie à travers une étude sérielle de la bibliographie mobilisée par Aline Helg dans Plus jamais esclaves!, avant d’aborder les ouvrages pionniers d’Anna Julia Cooper et de C.L.R. James et une sorte de préhistoire de la notion de révolution atlantique. Le second chapitre s’intéresse quant à lui à une sélection de recherches ciblant individuellement les différentes révolutions des Amériques pour y observer le traitement du rôle des esclaves. Le dernier porte pour sa part sur le traitement de l’agentivité des esclaves dans quatre ouvrages de synthèse publiés entre 1988 et 2016 et accordant une place plus ou moins large aux différentes révolutions américaines. / Since the 1960s, the history of slavery and that of the Atlantic Revolutions have carved out a significant place in the historiography. These developments have had a beneficial effect on the representation of populations of African origin in the historical literature, contributing in particular to putting the Haitian Revolution back on the map in the 1990s and 2000s. The purpose of this thesis is to examine a few works on the various revolutions of the Americas, namely the American, the Haitian and the South American, in order to study the changing importance that historians attribute to the agency of black people, and principally to slaves. The first chapter follows the evolution of this historiography by submitting to serial analysis the bibliography assembled by Aline Helg in Slaves No More!, before examining the pioneering works of Anna Julia Cooper and C.L.R. James and a sort of prehistory of the notion of the Atlantic revolution. The second chapter focuses on a selection of work individually targeting the different revolutions of the Americas, in order to observe the treatment of slaves’ roles. The last deals with the treatment of the agency of slaves in four surveys published between 1988 and 2016 covering summarily or in detail the various American revolutions.