Entre os anos anteriores à Guerra Civil e o pós-abolição, o tema da mistura racial e da cidadania dos libertos já era objeto de disputas nos Estados Unidos. Diferentes grupos envolvidos nesta discussão se apropriaram do exemplo de outras nações escravistas das Américas para analisar as experiências de cativeiro e liberdade na sociedade norte-americana. Foi neste período que grupos antagônicos como abolicionistas negros, cientistas, viajantes e escravistas incorporaram o exemplo brasileiro às suas disputas, pois o Brasil, conhecido como país miscigenado e supostamente sem preconceito racial, era marcado por uma intensa população negra que eles acreditavam conviver harmonicamente com a população branca. As interpretações sobre estas notícias eram divergentes. Enquanto abolicionistas afro-americanos se apropriaram do exemplo brasileiro, porque acreditavam que o país era uma referência de igualdade racial e liberdade, os cientistas, escravistas e viajantes entendiam o país no contexto do que acreditavam ser todas as nações latino-americanas: um país de clima tropical que, ao contrário dos Estados Unidos, favorecia a existência de formas de vida exageradas e inferiores. Além disto, a mistura racial e a excessiva quantidade de pessoas negras, muitas delas libertas e cidadãs, confirmavam ainda mais as diferenças entre a sociedade brasileira e a norte-americana. Até mesmo os imigrantes sulistas que vieram para o Brasil após o fim da Guerra Civil e que, inicialmente, foram atraídos pela manutenção do cativeiro no país, registraram seu descontentamento com a intensa miscigenação. Assim, esta tese investiga estas diversas impressões sobre o Brasil, produzidas por diferentes setores da sociedade norteamericana. Interessa-nos entender como estas notícias sobre o país foram apropriadas pelo debate político sobre escravidão, abolição e relações raciais nos Estados Unidos. É também nosso objetivo perceber como estes grupos criaram uma imagem do Brasil em oposição a uma ideia de nação americana, enfatizando diferenças que seriam utilizadas para formar identidades nacionais distintas, sobretudo no que diz respeito às relações raciais de cada país. Para analisar estes usos e apropriações de uma sociedade sobre a outra, utilizarei uma variada documentação composta por relatos de viagem, textos jornalísticos e científicos, jornais da imprensa negra abolicionista e cartas escritas por imigrantes confederados no Brasil que foram enviadas para seus familiares que viviam no sul dos Estados Unidos / Between the years preceding the Civil War and following abolition, the theme of racial mixing and the citizenship of freed blacks had already been widely disputed in the United States. The various groups involved in this discussion appropriated the example of other American slave nations in comparison to the experience of captivity and freedom in North- American society. It is in this period that opposing groups such as black abolitionist, scientists, travelers and slave owners incorporated the Brazilian example to their political disputes, once the Latin American country, known to be miscegenated and supposedly without racial prejudice, was marked by an intense black population that lived harmoniously with the white population. The interpretations of these reports were divergent at best. While African American abolitionists appropriated the Brazilian example because they believed Brazil to be a reference for racial equality and freedom; the scientists, slave owners and travelers understood the country in the context of what they believed was true for all Latin American nations: Brazils tropical climate, unlike the United States, favored the existence of exaggerated and lower forms of life. In addition, the racial mixing and the excessive black population, many who lived as freed citizens further confirmed the differences between the Brazilian and North American society. Even the American southerner immigrants who came to Brazil after the Civil War, who were initially attracted by the maintenance of captivity, expressed their discontent with the intense miscegenation. This thesis investigates these varying views on Brazil produced by different sectors of American society. We are interested in understanding how news about the country was appropriate to the political debate on slavery, abolition and race relations in the United States. It is also our objective to understand how these different groups have created a certain image of Brazil in opposition to an idea of an American nation, highlighting the differences that would eventually be used to form distinct national identities, especially in regard to race relations in each country. In order to analyze the appropriations of one society about the other, I will use a large collection of documentation, composed by travel narratives, journalistic and scientific articles, the newspapers of the African-American abolitionist Press and the letters written by confederate immigrants in Brazil sent to their family members who lived in the American south

Cette thèse étudie les logiques et les moyens du combat en mer dans l’Atlantique du début de l’époque moderne. Les XVIe et XVIIe siècles voient la diffusion puis le perfectionnement de l’artillerie embarquée sur les navires des grandes puissances atlantiques (France, Angleterre, Espagne, Portugal, Provinces-Unies), ce qui provoque de larges recompositions dans les pratiques de la guerre sur mer. Le combat naval passe ainsi d’un corps-à-corps nécessaire, en l’absence d’armes à distance efficaces, à un éventail d’options et d’hybridations entre des tactiques anciennes comme l’abordage et l’usage de l’artillerie, jusqu’à l’apparition d’un nouveau paradigme hégémonique du combat en mer avec la ligne de bataille au milieu du XVIIe siècle. Si cette évolution a été évoquée dans le cadre général du débat sur la « Révolution militaire », le combat en mer a jusqu’à présent été relativement ignoré au profit d’analyses sur le temps très long, sans détailler les ambiguïtés et les subtilités de cette période de transition — ce que cette thèse se propose de faire. Ce travail applique en outre au combat en mer le renouvellement méthodologique à l’œuvre depuis quarante ans dans l’histoire de la guerre : au lieu de se concentrer sur des questions générales de tactiques et de formations, ou de tenter de distribuer l’éloge ou le blâme sur des figures d’amiraux célèbres, il s’agit au contraire de se rapprocher le plus possible du combattant. En particulier, cette thèse se penche sur l’expérience individuelle du combat, les logiques et les gestes qui permettent la survie sur le champ de bataille, et l’horizon sensoriel qui enveloppe les acteurs de la guerre sur mer. / This dissertation studies the tools and the logics of naval warfare in the Early Modern Atlantic. The wide spreading and improvement of shipboard artillery in the 16th and 17th centuries, applied to the main Atlantic countries (France, England, Spain, Portugal, Dutch Republic) trigger deep transformations in Atlantic naval warfare. The main paradigm of battle thereby evolves from traditional tactics such as boarding and hand-to-hand fighting, towards a widespread use of artillery, until a new paradigm emerges in the mid-17th century in the shape of the line of battle. This general evolution has been tackled most notably within the “Military Revolution” debate, but naval warfare has been a side subject in those discussions and was for the most part included in very wide-ranging analysis. Those don’t really do justice do the uncertainties and the subtleties of this transition period, as this dissertation intends to do. Furthermore, this work applies to naval battle the evolutions in the history of warfare in the last 40 years by focusing less on tactics and formations, on blaming or lauding great admirals of the past, and more on the individual experience of fighting. In particular, this dissertation focuses on men within the battle, the logics and the gestures that allow for survival, and the sensory environment surrounding the protagonists of naval combat.

This thesis examines French and English trade voyages and trade colonies in North American during the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries, and French and English relations with Native Americans. The colonies of Port Royal, Jamestown, and Sagadahoc included members of previous French and English trade voyages and depended on the experience and information gained during trade voyages to formulate their economic objectives and colonial policies. French and English North American activity was intrinsically connected in this era through a plethora of amiable and competitive associations. National, transnational, and regional frameworks are all necessary in explaining Port Royal, Jamestown, and Sagadahoc. French and English interaction with Native American groups during these voyages and colonies was distinctly similar, and the diverse cultures of the native Mi’kmaq, Eastern Abenaki, Powhatans, and Armouchiquois, rather than the divisions between French and English culture, were central in shaping colonist-Native relations in the seventeenth century.

Entre os anos anteriores à Guerra Civil e o pós-abolição, o tema da mistura racial e da cidadania dos libertos já era objeto de disputas nos Estados Unidos. Diferentes grupos envolvidos nesta discussão se apropriaram do exemplo de outras nações escravistas das Américas para analisar as experiências de cativeiro e liberdade na sociedade norte-americana. Foi neste período que grupos antagônicos como abolicionistas negros, cientistas, viajantes e escravistas incorporaram o exemplo brasileiro às suas disputas, pois o Brasil, conhecido como país miscigenado e supostamente sem preconceito racial, era marcado por uma intensa população negra que eles acreditavam conviver harmonicamente com a população branca. As interpretações sobre estas notícias eram divergentes. Enquanto abolicionistas afro-americanos se apropriaram do exemplo brasileiro, porque acreditavam que o país era uma referência de igualdade racial e liberdade, os cientistas, escravistas e viajantes entendiam o país no contexto do que acreditavam ser todas as nações latino-americanas: um país de clima tropical que, ao contrário dos Estados Unidos, favorecia a existência de formas de vida exageradas e inferiores. Além disto, a mistura racial e a excessiva quantidade de pessoas negras, muitas delas libertas e cidadãs, confirmavam ainda mais as diferenças entre a sociedade brasileira e a norte-americana. Até mesmo os imigrantes sulistas que vieram para o Brasil após o fim da Guerra Civil e que, inicialmente, foram atraídos pela manutenção do cativeiro no país, registraram seu descontentamento com a intensa miscigenação. Assim, esta tese investiga estas diversas impressões sobre o Brasil, produzidas por diferentes setores da sociedade norteamericana. Interessa-nos entender como estas notícias sobre o país foram apropriadas pelo debate político sobre escravidão, abolição e relações raciais nos Estados Unidos. É também nosso objetivo perceber como estes grupos criaram uma imagem do Brasil em oposição a uma ideia de nação americana, enfatizando diferenças que seriam utilizadas para formar identidades nacionais distintas, sobretudo no que diz respeito às relações raciais de cada país. Para analisar estes usos e apropriações de uma sociedade sobre a outra, utilizarei uma variada documentação composta por relatos de viagem, textos jornalísticos e científicos, jornais da imprensa negra abolicionista e cartas escritas por imigrantes confederados no Brasil que foram enviadas para seus familiares que viviam no sul dos Estados Unidos / Between the years preceding the Civil War and following abolition, the theme of racial mixing and the citizenship of freed blacks had already been widely disputed in the United States. The various groups involved in this discussion appropriated the example of other American slave nations in comparison to the experience of captivity and freedom in North- American society. It is in this period that opposing groups such as black abolitionist, scientists, travelers and slave owners incorporated the Brazilian example to their political disputes, once the Latin American country, known to be miscegenated and supposedly without racial prejudice, was marked by an intense black population that lived harmoniously with the white population. The interpretations of these reports were divergent at best. While African American abolitionists appropriated the Brazilian example because they believed Brazil to be a reference for racial equality and freedom; the scientists, slave owners and travelers understood the country in the context of what they believed was true for all Latin American nations: Brazils tropical climate, unlike the United States, favored the existence of exaggerated and lower forms of life. In addition, the racial mixing and the excessive black population, many who lived as freed citizens further confirmed the differences between the Brazilian and North American society. Even the American southerner immigrants who came to Brazil after the Civil War, who were initially attracted by the maintenance of captivity, expressed their discontent with the intense miscegenation. This thesis investigates these varying views on Brazil produced by different sectors of American society. We are interested in understanding how news about the country was appropriate to the political debate on slavery, abolition and race relations in the United States. It is also our objective to understand how these different groups have created a certain image of Brazil in opposition to an idea of an American nation, highlighting the differences that would eventually be used to form distinct national identities, especially in regard to race relations in each country. In order to analyze the appropriations of one society about the other, I will use a large collection of documentation, composed by travel narratives, journalistic and scientific articles, the newspapers of the African-American abolitionist Press and the letters written by confederate immigrants in Brazil sent to their family members who lived in the American south

The Ais were a Native American group who lived along the Atlantic shoreline of Florida south of Cape Canaveral. This coastal population’s position adjacent to a major shipping route afforded them numerous encounters with the Atlantic world that linked Europe, Africa, the Caribbean, and the Americas. Through their exploitation of the goods and peoples from the European shipwrecks thrown ashore, coupled with their careful manipulation of other Atlantic contacts, the Ais polity established an influential domain in central east Florida during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. The pre-contact peoples of Florida’s east coast, including the ancestors of the Ais, practiced a maritime adaptation concentrated on the exploitation of their bountiful riverine, estuarine, and marine environments. The Ais then modified their maritime skills to cope with the opportunities and challenges that accompanied European contact. Using their existing aquatic abilities, they ably salvaged goods and castaways from the Spanish, French, English, and Dutch vessels dashed on the rocks and reefs of Florida’s coast. The Ais’ strategic redistribution of these materials and peoples to other Florida Native Americans, the Spaniards of St. Augustine, and other passing Europeans gained them greater influence. This process, which I call indigenous wrecking, enabled the Ais to expand their domain on the peninsula. Coastal Florida Native Americans’ maritime abilities also attracted the attention of Europeans. In the late seventeenth century, English buccaneers and salvagers raided Florida’s east coast to capture indigenous divers, whom they sent to work the wreck of a sunken Spanish treasure ship located in the Bahamas. The English subsequently sold the surviving Native American captives to other Caribbean slave markets. Despite population losses to such raids, the Ais and other peoples of the east coast thrived on Atlantic exchange and used their existing maritime adaptation to resist colonial intrusions until the start of the eighteenth century. This dissertation thus offers a narrative about Native Americans and the Atlantic that is unlike most Southeastern Indian stories. The Ais used their maritime adaptation and the process of indigenous wrecking to engage and exploit the arriving Atlantic world. In the contact era, the Ais truly became Atlantic Ais.

Cette thèse constitue une étude comparée du processus de politisation au sein des groupes de Français ayant émigré aux États-Unis au cours de la première moitié du XIXe siècle, dans deux grands ports atlantiques américains, New York et La Nouvelle-Orléans.Dans une perspective d’histoire atlantique, elle aborde la question de la politisation sous l’angle du phénomène de nationalisation. Celle-ci se traduit dans le rapport des migrants à leur pays d’origine, dans le contexte des bouleversements politiques allant du Premier au Second Empire, et à leur pays d’accueil, marqué par la construction de la jeune république, la période jacksonienne, et le déclenchement de la guerre de Sécession. La thèse démontre que l’essor de structures de sociabilité urbaine parmi les Français est influencé par les circulations atlantiques de pratiques politiques et associatives, telles que la franc-maçonnerie. L’approche événementielle souligne la façon dont les grands événements locaux, nationaux ou internationaux sur les deux rives de l’Atlantique, suscitent diverses formes de participation politique, parfois conflictuelles, parmi les migrants. Trois moments marquent ce processus : une période de brassages issus des « révolutions atlantiques », dont les répercussions humaines et politiques touchent les Français de New York et La Nouvelle-Orléans dans les premières décennies du XIXe siècle ; un moment de coexistence des appartenances nationales allant de pair avec de nouvelles formes d’encadrement partisan et de pratiques politiques dans l’Amérique jacksonienne et sous la monarchie de Juillet ; et une dernière phase conflictuelle et révolutionnaire marquée par les répercussions atlantiques de 1848, les migrations de masse et les mouvements ouvriers de l’ère de l’industrialisation. La prégnance du cadre américain suscite alors des évolutions divergentes à New York et La Nouvelle-Orléans du fait de la division Nord-Sud sur l’esclavage, la guerre de Sécession rebattant les cartes des allégeances nationales et politiques des migrants français. / This dissertation is a comparative study of the politicization process among French migrants who settled in two major Atlantic port-cities, New York and New Orleans, during the first half of the 19th century.In an Atlantic perspective, the politicization process is analyzed as the development of national consciousness, which is visible in the relationship between migrants and their home country – from the First to the Second Napoleonic Empire – and their place of settlement, in the context of the Early republic, the Jacksonian and the Antebellum eras. Atlantic circulations influenced the rise of sociability structures among Frenchmen in these cities, such as masonic lodges. Migrants also experienced multiple forms of participation to major local, national or international events on both sides of the Atlantic, sometimes in a conflicting way.Three periods thus emerge. First, the mixing and gathering of French migrants in both cities were related to the Atlantic revolutions and their 19th-century political impact. Secondly, the expansion of political parties and practices, under the July Monarchy and Jacksonian democracy, led to the reinforcement of national consciousness, without excluding multiple affiliations. Finally, the Atlantic dimension of the 1848 revolutions generated new political tensions. Mass migrations and working-class movements shaped emerging conflicts in the industrial era. In that same period, momentous American issues provoked diverging evolutions between New York and New Orleans. French migrants in both cities were divided on the North-South debate on slavery, as their national and political allegiances were questioned by the Civil War.

This dissertation investigates the diverse ways in which the Portuguese language expanded in Brazil, despite the multilingual landscape that predominated prior to and after the arrival of the Europeans and the African diaspora. It challenges the assumption that the predominance of Portuguese was a natural consequence and foregone conclusion of colonisation. This work argues that the expansion of Portuguese was a tumultuous process that mirrored the power relations and conflicts between Amerindian, European, African, and mestizo actors who shaped, standardised, and promoted the Portuguese language within and beyond state institutions. The expansion of Portuguese was as much a result of state intervention as it was of individual agency. Language was a mechanism of power that opened possibilities in a society where ethnic, religious, and economic criteria usually marginalised the vast majority of the population from the colonial system. Basic literacy skills allowed access to certain occupations in administration, trading, teaching, and priesthood that elevated people’s social standing. These possibilities created, in most social groups, the desire to emulate the elites and to appropriate the Portuguese language as part of their identity. This research situates the question of language, identity, and power within the theoretical framework of Atlantic history between 1695 and 1822. Atlantic history contributes to our understanding of the ways in which peoples, materials, institutions and ideas moved across Iberia, Africa and the Americas without overlooking the new contours that these elements assumed in the colony, as they moved in tandem, but also contested each other. Focusing on the mining district of Minas Gerais for its economic and social importance, this dissertation draws on multiple ecclesiastical and administrative sources to assess how ordinary people and authoritative figures daily interacted with one another to shape the Portuguese language.

No description available.

No description available.

Au cours de sa vie de 1767 à 1842, Henri de Ste Gême un émigré de la Révolution française immigrera à Saint-Domingue où il combattra pour les armées britanniques et républicaines tour à tour. Immigrant à Cuba et à La Nouvelle-Orléans par la suite, il participera à la bataille de La Nouvelle-Orléans où il recevra les éloges du général Jackson. Ste Gême retournera en France en 1818 où il laisse le soin de ses affaires louisianaises à ses amis, dont Jean Boze qui écrira de véritables chroniques sur tout ce qui se passe à La Nouvelle-Orléans. Les correspondances de Boze témoignent de l’évolution de La Nouvelle-Orléans au cours des années 1830 à une période où les francophones passent d’une population majoritaire à minoritaire. Cette américanisation et cette diversification de la population sont décrites par Boze, un réfugié de Saint-Domingue, qui porte une attention particulière à cette catégorie de la population ainsi qu’aux liens qu’ils entretiennent avec les autres francophones. De plus, les correspondances de Boze sont révélatrices de l’importance qu’occupe la France dans la Louisiane américaine au cours de la décennie 1830 spécialement, où La Nouvelle-Orléans représente une enclave du monde atlantique français et où les habitants francophones développent une identité hybride. / During his lifetime from 1767 to 1842, Henri de Ste-Gême, an émigré of the French Revolution migrated to the French colony of Saint-Domingue where he fought for both the British and the Republican armies. Afterwards he migrated to Cuba and to New Orleans where he fought under the command of General Andrew Jackson during the Battle of New Orleans and was praised for his service. Henri de Ste-Gême returned to France in 1818 and imparted the Louisiana business to his friends. Notably, it was Jean Boze who would later write chronicles about what was going on in New Orleans. This correspondence serves as a witness to the evolution of New Orleans during the 1830s at a moment where the Francophones went from being a majority to a minority. Further, this Americanization and diversification of the population is described by Boze, a Saint-Domingue refugee, who devotes special attention to this part of the population and to their relationship with other francophones during that time period. Furthermore, Boze’s correspondence reveals France’s importance in American Louisiana particularly in the 1830s, when New Orleans formed an enclave in the French Atlantic world and when the French-speaking population developed a hybrid identity.