The struggle to read Jer 31:31-34 as Christian Scripture has a long and divided history. Yet remarkably little has been done to grapple with the depth of this struggle in the Christian tradition from the post-Nicene period to the modern era. This thesis attempts to show the value of the tradition as an interlocutor for contemporary exegetical concerns in Christian readings and use of Jer 31:31-34. The study begins with Augustine’s interpretation of the text as an absolute contrast between unbelief and faith, rather than the standard reading (found in Jerome) of a contrast between two successive religio-historical eras - one that governed Israel (the ‘old covenant’) and a new era and its covenant inaugurated in the coming of Christ. Augustine’s absolute contrast loosened the strict temporal concern, so that the faithful of any era were members of the ‘new covenant’. The study traces this reading of an absolute contrast in a few key moments of Christian interpretation: Thomas Aquinas and high medieval theology, then the 16th and 17th century Reformed tradition. The thesis aims at a constructive reading of Jer 31:31-34, and so the struggle identified in these moments in the Christian tradition is brought into dialogue with modern critical discussions from Bernhard Duhm to the present. Finally I turn to an exegetical argument for an ‘Augustinian’ reading of the contrast of the covenants. The study finds that Jer 31:31-34, read in its role in Jeremiah, contrasts Israel’s infidelity with a future idyllic faithfulness to Yhwh: in the new covenant all will be as it always ought to have been. The contrast is thus between two mutually exclusive standings before Yhwh. Thus the study aims to contribute to modern exegetical, theological and ecclesial discussions of ‘old’ and ‘new’ covenants by examining one of the central texts of the discussion in dialogue with parts of the history of interpretatio

Héritier de la culture classique antique et ancien professeur de rhétorique, Augustin d'Hippone (354-430) est l'auteur d'une oeuvre vaste et variée où il s'illustre comme un théologien, philosophe, pasteur à la pensée originale et puissante. Il n'est pas connu cependant comme historien et n'est pas l'auteur d'ouvrages spécifiquement historiques. Pourtant, comme évêque africain et autorité intellectuelle reconnue de ses contemporains, il a été amené à s'engager dans des controverses pour lesquelles il a utilisé une argumentation historique construite avec rigueur.Les méthodes avec lesquelles Augustin rassemble et critique ses sources et interprète l'histoire sont étudiées à partir de la Cité de Dieu et des traités anti-donatistes. Elles sont analysées en fonction du contexte culturel antique, à l'aide des réflexions historiographiques contemporaines. De quelle façon Augustin répond-il aux exigences d'un travail historique lorsqu'il aborde l'histoire de Rome et de l'Église ?Les recherches ont été menées en trois étapes pour envisager tout d'abord Augustin comme historien de Rome et particulièrement de la République romaine, puis comme historien du rôle de la religion (païenne et chrétienne) à Rome, et enfin comme historien du schisme donatiste en Afrique. Ces axes d'études permettent d'approfondir l'analyse des méthodes d'Augustin et de mettre en valeur une progression, d'un travail accompli à partir de sources secondaires sur une époque éloignée, à un travail mené partir d'une documentation qu'il réunit lui-même sur l'histoire de l'Église de son temps. / Steeped in ancient classical culture and a former professor of rhetoric, Augustine of Hippo (354-430) is considered as a distinguished theologian, philosopher, and pastor, with original andpowerful thoughts. He is not known as a historian, and is not the author of historical works.However, as a bishop and an intellectual authority recognized by his contemporaries, he wasconducted to conduct controversies during which he used a rigorously built historicalargumentation.The way Augustine collects and criticizes his sources, and interprets history, are studied based onCity of God and anti-Donatist writings. These are analyzed taking account to ancient culturalcontext, and using contemporary historiographical approach. Does Augustin reach the historicalwork standard when he addresses the history of Rome and the Church ?The research was conducted in three stages ; first considering Augustine as an historian of Romeand especially of the Roman Republic, then as an historian of the role of pagan and Christianreligion in Rome, and finally as an historian of the Donatist schism in Africa. These steps revealthe progression of Augustine methods, from a work based on secondary sources dealing with anancient period, to a work conducted from documents that he personnally gathers on thecontemporary history of the Church.

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI) / This examination of the first five years of his preaching identifies key ways in which Augustine of Hippo transformed classical rhetoric into the pattern he would later outline in De doctrina christiana. This thesis argues that Augustine began his career as a priest giving sermons in line with the sophistic speeches he had taught before his conversion, but that by 396 he had "redeemed" his rhetoric to fit the new purposes of the Christian church. During these early years, Augustine reduced or removed the classical exordia and perorations in order to meld his sermons into the liturgy. He also humbled, but did not eliminate, his rhetorical polish as he shifted the main purpose of rhetoric from pleasing the elites to teaching the masses.

Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2012. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis outlines Augustine’s thought on justice as articulated in The City of God: against the Pagans. The purpose of the study was to investigate the place and role of his convictions about justice in his apologetic project. To this end, Books 19-22 of The City of God were read within the historical, religious and ideological contexts of Augustine’s day. Aspects deemed relevant to the stated goals of the thesis and which were therefore surveyed, were pagan-Christian relations and Neo-Platonism in the fifth century; the sacking of Rome in AD 410, a perceived injustice which occasioned rampant calumnies against the Christians and questions regarding the justice of God; secular jurisprudence and legal practice, with a focus on the role of bishops in dispensing justice; biblical perspectives on justice. A reading of Books 19-22 of the City of God was then done, in which it was found that justice was viewed by Augustine as subordinate to, but straining toward the Supreme Good, identified as peace. Moreover, it was shown that Augustine’s perspective on justice is inextricably linked with his eschatological convictions. These are that God is set to establish an eternal City, composed of those who, throughout history, have pledged allegiance to Him. That city is characterised by peace and justice, as determined by God. Any peace or manifestation of justice in the present age was shown to flow from humankind’s predisposition toward self-love (egotism). As such, they are presented by Augustine as a poor reflection of the perfect peace and justice that will be established by God. With regard to Augustine’s defence of the Christian faith, it was found that he employs a model of argumentation which takes as its point of departure the worldviews of his opponents, showing up cracks in their thinking. He then presents his own perspective as the better alternative. The juxtaposition of the current age, fraught with injustice and chaos, against the eternal peace and justice to be established by God, were shown to be important selling-points for Augustine. For him, life in the eternal City of God was an irresistible offer, which he sought to hold out to his opponents. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis skets Augustinus se denke oor geregtigheid soos geartikuleer in Die Stad van God: teen die Heidene. Die doel van die studie was om die plek en die rol van sy oortuigings oor geregtigheid in sy apologetiese projek te ondersoek. Met hierdie doel is Boeke 19-22 uit Die Stad van God gelees binne die historiese, godsdienstige en ideologiese kontekste van Augustinus se tyd. Aspekte wat as relevant beskou is tot die vermelde doelwitte van die tesis en wat dus ondersoek is, is verhoudings tussen heidene en Christene asook Neo-Platonisme in die vyfde eeu; die plundering van Rome in 410 n.C., ’n vermeende onreg wat aanleiding gegee het tot onbeteuelde laster teenoor die Christene en vrae oor die geregtigheid van God; sekulêre wetsgeleerdheid en regspraktyk, met die fokus op die rol van biskoppe in die beoefening van regspraak; bybelse perspektiewe op geregtigheid. ’n Vertolking van Boeke 19-22 uit Die Stad van God is daarna gedoen, waarin daar bevind is Augustinus het gemeen dat geregtigheid ondergeskik is aan, maar wel streef na, die Hoogste Goed, wat naamlik as vrede geïdentifiseer word. Verder is daar getoon dat Augustinus se perspektief op geregtigheid onlosmaaklik verbind is aan sy eskatologiese oortuigings. Hierdie oortuigings is dat God ’n Ewige Stad sal vestig wat saamgestel is uit dié wat deur die geskiedenis heen trou aan Hom gesweer het. Daardie stad word deur vrede en geregtigheid gekenmerk, soos dit deur God bepaal is. Daar word gewys daarop dat enige vrede of manifestasie van geregtigheid in daardie tyd bloot voortgevloei het uit die mens se geneigdheid tot selfliefde (egotisme). Dít word deur Augustinus voorgehou as ’n swak weerspieëling van die volmaakte vrede en geregtigheid wat deur God ingestel sal word. Wat betref Augustinus se verdediging van die Christelike geloof, is daar bevind dat hy ’n redeneringsmodel gebruik wat die wêreldbeskouings van sy opponente as uitgangspunt gebruik, en só die foute in hul denke uitwys. Hy bied dan sy eie perspektief as die beste alternatief aan. Die naasmekaarstelling van die huidige era, vol ongeregtigheid en chaos, teenoor die ewige vrede en geregtigheid wat deur God ingestel sal word, is uitgewys as belangrike verkoopspunte vir Augustinus. Vir hom was die lewe in die Ewige Stad van God ’n onweerstaanbare aanbod wat hy aan sy opponente wou voorhou.

This thesis examines Augustine of Hippo's support of the cult of relics through the lens of Peter Brown's revision of the two-tiered model which was proposed in his 1981 book The Cult of Saints. More specifically, this thesis attempts to explain the introduction of saint's relics in the final book, book 22, of Augustine's magnum opus The City of God (De Civitate Dei). After providing proof of the theologian's opposition to the cult of relics in his youth, historical, biographical, and textual evidence is used to trace his later change of heart. This change in position is crystallized in a series of miracle accounts in the 8th chapter of the 22nd book. The analysis of this 'chain of miracles' is essential in understanding the purpose of the City of God as a whole and Augustine's own theories of death and resurrection.

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In this thesis, my purpose is to determine why Augustine’s theory of knowledge by illumination was rejected by Franciscan theologians at the end of the thirteenth century. My main methodological assumption is that Medieval accounts of divine illumination must be interpreted in a theological context, or with attention to a scholar’s underlying doctrines of God and of the human mind as the image of God, inasmuch as the latter doctrine determines one’s understanding of the nature of the mind’s cognitive work, and illumination illustrates cognition. In the first chapter, I show how Augustine’s understanding of illumination derives from his Trinitarian theology. In the second chapter, I use the same theological methods of inquiry to identify continuity of thought on illumination in Augustine and Anselm. The third chapter covers the events of the twelfth and early thirteenth centuries that had an impact on the interpretation of illumination, including the Greek and Arabic translation movements and the founding of universities and mendicant orders. In this chapter, I explain how the first Franciscan scholars transformed St. Francis of Assisi’s spiritual ideals into a theological and philosophical system, appropriating the Trinitarian theology of Richard of St. Victor and the philosophy of the Arab scholar Avicenna in the process. Bonaventure is typically hailed the great synthesizer of early Franciscan thought and the last and best proponent of traditional Medieval Augustinian thought. In the fourth chapter, I demonstrate that Bonaventure’s Victorine doctrine of the Trinity both enabled and motivated him to assign originally Avicennian meanings to philosophical arguments of Augustine and Anselm that were incompatible with the original ones. In the name of Augustine, in other words, Bonaventure introduced a theory of knowledge that is not Augustinian. In the fifth chapter, my aim is to throw the non-Augustinian character of Bonaventure’s illumination theory into sharper relief through a discussion of knowledge and illumination in the thought of his Dominican contemporary Thomas Aquinas. Although Aquinas is usually supposed to reject illumination theory, I show that he only objects to the Franciscan interpretation of the account, even while he bolsters a genuinely Augustinian account of knowledge and illumination by updating it in the Aristotelian forms of philosophical argumentation that were current at the time. In the final chapter, I explain why late thirteenth-century Franciscans challenged illumination theory, even after Bonaventure had enthusiastically championed it. In this context, I explain that that they did not reject their predecessor’s standard of knowledge outright, but only sought to eradicate the intellectually offensive interference of illumination, as he had defined it, which they perceived as inconsistent with the standard, in the interest of promulgating it. In concluding, I reiterate the importance of interpreting illumination as a function of Trinitarian theology. This approach throws the function of illumination in Augustine’s thought into relief and facilitates the effort to identify continuity and discontinuity amongst Augustine and his Medieval readers, which in turn makes it possible to identify the reasons for the late Medieval decline of divine illumination theory and the rise of an altogether unprecedented epistemological standard.

From the time of the early church to the present century, Christian assumptions about and theological responses to sport have been problematic. In the present century, evangelicals in North America lack a developed theological ethic about how Christians should regard modern sport--the practices, purposes, and values. What little theology there is, is an uninformed folk theology of muscular Christianity in which the primary means of evaluating sport is in terms of its instrumental utility with no recognition of goods that might be internal to sport. In this thesis, I formulate a modest Christian ethic for sport as a way toward reimagining sport in the Christian life as an embodied, penultimate good. I have chosen Augustine, John Paul II, and Dietrich Bonhoeffer as the three primary interlocutors with whom to shape a theological discourse about and construct for modern sport. Together, they assist in exploring fundamental convictions of the Christian tradition and determining what bearing these should have on Christian moral reflection and deliberation on this cultural activity. In chapter one, Augustine‘s ethic is organized around three integral motifs: God and happiness, ordered and disordered loves, and the use and enjoyment of goods. By beginning here, a Christian ethic addresses the charges against Augustine‘s idealism set in the historical context of ancient Rome where the Christian tradition first engaged sport extra-biblically. These motifs lay the groundwork for how a Christian might relate to sport. In chapter two, I examine an exemplary modern attempt—by the American philosopher Paul Weiss—to give a moral and philosophical account of sport. Weiss develops a philosophy of sport around themes derived from classical Greek literature, including bodily excellence, anthropology, and teleology. Weiss‘s Greek ideals and philosophical categories function as heuristic tools because many issues of modern sport are connected in a variety of ways to these ancient Greek ideals. Weiss forms a bridge historically and philosophically to thicken our description of modern sport, to refine this thesis‘s analysis of some important categories native to modern sport, and to focus on what this phenomenon entails for a Christian ethic today. In chapter three, I engage with John Paul II's complex and rich account of the internal moral and theological goods of sport. John Paul II's personalism provides a much stronger basis for analyzing the goods intrinsic to sport than does Weiss--one that is, moreover, consistent with (while building on) the Augustinian foundation laid in chapter one. I demonstrate that in John Paul II's theology of sport, sportive actions find a significant analogue in the Christian doctrine of creation in relation to the body of the athlete, in which perspective sport may be seen as sign and gift shared with other embodied sportspersons. I propose that sport is an ontic-embodied good and gift that is only properly conceptualized in a Christian ethic, an ethic in which the pursuit of excellence is an objective that fulfils the dignity and worth of the whole human person. By contrast, Paul Weiss' philosophy of sport instrumentalizes embodied pursuits, such as sport. In chapter four, Dietrich Bonhoeffer‘s Christological basis for Christian ethics serves to repair the persistent problem of dualism—two-sphere thinking—for modern muscular Christianity. Bonhoeffer‘s comprehensive vision of reality places Christ at the center of life and existence so that the question of the good becomes the realization of the reality of God in Christ. Therefore, a Christian ethic does not justify how the reality of God in Christ relates to sportive culture by appealing either to the sacred or secular, but justification is in Christ, since He has drawn and holds it all together. In chapter five, I continue with the problem of modern muscular Christianity in order to constructively reimagine how to relate the reality of Christ as the ultimate to sportive reality, the penultimate. This eschatological paradigm further organizes the final chapter in two important ways. First, the logic of sport is often governed by alien ends and loves. Augustine‘s ethic refines this problem as a matter of how the practice of sport can educate our desires according to competing teloi. Second, I elucidate the importance of St. Paul‘s sport metaphor (1 Cor 9:24-27) as another angle for interpreting and ethically engaging the complex lived experience of sport itself. This sport metaphor functions eschatologically to integrate sport and the Christian life and to ennoble this activity as a practice for moral and spiritual formation.

This thesis will explore whether Augustine of Hippo altered his theological views and what influences might have precipitated the alleged modifications. Augustine’s early "De libero arbitrio" argued for an individual’s ability to respond freely to God while his later anti-Pelagian writings rejected any human ability to believe until God infuses grace creating belief as his gift. Does his theology exhibit continuity or discontinuity? Four commonplace assertions within Augustinian studies are questioned in this thesis: 1.) Augustine changed his theology in AD 396; 2.) while he was writing the letter to Bishop Simplicianus (Simpl.); 3.) with his transition occurring through reading scripture (Rom.7, 9;1 Cor.15); 4.) which he developed through merely modifying prevalent doctrines. No scholarly work has researched Augustine’s entire corpus from AD 386–430 specifically analyzing his theology in the five final doctrines of: 1.) God giving initial faith as a gift, 2.) inherited damnable reatus from Adam, 3.) the gift of perseverance, 4.) unilateral pre-determination of persons’s eternal destinies independently of foreknowledge, and 5.) God’s neither desiring nor providing for the salvation of all persons. Only a comprehensive methodological approach—reading systematically, chronologically, and comprehensively through his entire corpus—can legitimately demonstrate changes. Did a Patristic consensus exist regarding post-Adamic free choice? What was Augustine’s contribution to this theology? To what degree did the combination of Stoicism, Neoplatonism, and Manichaeism contribute to his liberum arbitrium captivatum? Chapters include an introduction followed by chapters on free choice versus determinism in the: 1.) ancient philosophical-religious world, 2.) Christian authors AD 95–215, 3.) Christian authors AD 216–430, 4.) Augustine’s works AD 386–395, 5.) Augustine’s works AD 396–411, 6.) Augustine’s works AD 412–426, 7.) Augustine’s works AD 427–430, 8.) sermons and epistles, 9.) Augustine’s exegesis of scripture, and 10.) conclusion. Conclusions will be established via extensive primary quotations and references with supporting secondary sources.