L’initiative Belt and Road (BRI) a été lancée en 2013 par le président chinois Xi Jinping. En 2021, 46 pays africains avaient déjà signé des accords avec la Chine pour réaliser des travaux dans le cadre de l’Initiative. À contre-courant, la Tanzanie et la Sierra Leone ont suspendu deux projets signés dans le cadre de la BRI. Dans ce contexte, ce travail cherche à savoir pourquoi les pays africains, après avoir signé des accords de coopération avec la Chine, dans le cadre de la BRI, décident d’interrompre le projet. Pour répondre à cette question, nous ferons deux études de cas : l’interruption du projet de l’aéroport de Mamamah en Sierra Leone et celle du port de Bagamoyo en Tanzanie. L’argument développé dans cette recherche explore l’importance de l’agentivité africaine dans un contexte de coopération Sud-Sud, pour réduire les asymétries dans les négociations. Les cas analysés ont démontré qu’il existe un espace d’expression et d’opportunité pour les acteurs africains. De plus, la dynamique de la politique interne joue un rôle fondamental dans l’attitude des agents vis-à-vis des accords de coopération, ce qui contribue in fine à leur interruption ou à leur maintien. / The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) was launched in 2013 by Chinese President Xi Jinping. By 2021, 46 African countries had already signed a Memorandum of Understanding with China under the initiative. Against this broad trend, Tanzania and Sierra Leone have suspended two projects signed under the BRI. In this context, this research seeks to explain why some African countries, after signing cooperation agreements with China, within the framework of the BRI, decide to stop the project. To answer this question, we will conduct two case studies: the interruption of the Mamamah airport project in Sierra Leone and that of the Bagamoyo port in Tanzania. The argument developed in this research explores the importance of African agency in a context of South-South cooperation, to reduce asymmetries in negotiations. The cases analyzed have shown that there is a space for expression and opportunity for African actors. In addition, the dynamics of domestic politics play a fundamental role in the attitude of agents vis-à-vis cooperation agreements, which ultimately contributes to their interruption or maintenance.

The liberal theory of international relations primarily associates international cooperation with liberal democratic states, to the point that a theory of scholars Poast and Urpelainen claim that international cooperation with consolidated democracies through international organizations may boost the democratization of or at least prevent democratic backsliding in non-consolidated democracies. This paper investigates the possibility of decoupling these theories from democracies and democratizing by examining whether Chinese efforts within the framework of the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank and the Belt and Road foreign policy project have a similar but reverse effect on its target states, prompting developments in authoritarian directions. Though the results of study are inconclusive on account of the relative youth of the studied IOs, they indicate a strong possibility that could do with further study.

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In the Indian Ocean Region, China's economic and strategic interests are converging as many of its investments lie along the vital ocean routes needed to literally and figuratively fuel its growing economy. The rollout of Xi Jinping's Belt and Road Initiative, against the backdrop of, and in line with this convergence, has raised concerns about the military-strategic utility of various infrastructure projects. The increased economic connectivity that drives the Belt and Road has inherent strategic consequences, but the degree to which geostrategic factors drive investments divides analysts. Some believe that certain ports have been purposefully selected as future bases for China's navy. To address the difficulty of comprehending China's foreign policy decisions, this thesis draws on a neoclassical realist interpretation of international relations, and uses geographical location, collective memory, strategic culture, and domestic politics to develop a better understanding of Chinese policymakers' perceptions of their international security environment. This study develops methodology to evaluate the strategic value of a site in context to different basing strategies. The work sheds light on how China views its future position in the world by deciphering intentions behind Chines investments in ports...

The presented doctoral thesis analyses energy security in the Central Asia region, with an emphasis on the natural gas sector. The research sought to answer the question of whether individual state actors in Central Asia are more inclined towards a strategic-oriented or market-oriented approach to energy policy in the formulation of their respective energy policy. Answering this research question aimed at better understanding the approach of individual state actors to large infrastructure projects, such as the construction of the Central Asia-China Gas Pipeline. A regional energy security complex of Central Asia was constructed for work purposes. In addition to the five Central Asian states, it also includes Russia and China as two major natural gas importers from the region. Based on theoretical literature, a model for assessing the natural gas sector in terms of the formulation of energy policy by individual state actors was developed. This model was subsequently applied to three case studies of key state actors within the Central Asian regional energy security complex. These are case studies on Turkmenistan, Russia and China. Applying the model's criteria to individual cases, the research concluded that for all three players in the Central Asian regional energy security complex, a...