Min hypotes i denna uppsats är att religionslärare på högstadiet i sin undervisning presenterar buddhismen som en positiv och odogmatisk tradition där religiösa aspekter tonats ned. Syftet med denna uppsats är att undersöka om denna hypotes håller eller om den måste revideras eller förkastas. Detta kommer att ske med hjälp av följande frågeställningar: Hur presenterar lärarna buddhismen i undervisningen? På vilka fakta och perspektiv lägger lärarna fokus? Hur bedömer lärarna att deras elever uppfattar buddhismen jämfört med andra religioner?

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Scholars, including Peter Harvey, Robert Florida and David Stott, assume that the authors/redactors of the Mūlasarvāstivāda Vinaya—the monastic code of the Mūlasarvāstivāda school—agreed with those from the Theravāda school on the topic of abortion. This assumption appears to be primarily based on one prātimokṣa rule as it is found in two locations in the Tibetan Buddhist Canon. Moreover, a longstanding scholarly preference for sources extant in Pāli, such as the Theravāda Vinaya, and the preconceived notion that all Indian Buddhists were anti-abortion, impact contemporary studies of Buddhist attitudes towards abortion in Vinaya. The primary goal of this thesis is to offer an extensive comparison of passages related to abortion recorded in a number of locations in Buddhist monastic literature. I examine three main pieces of evidence: 1) the third pārājika rule addressing monastic involvement in homicide; 2) word-commentary and cases illustrating this rule; and 3) stories that do not illustrate a pārājika offence but include abortion in the narrative. Although Mūlasarvāstivādin authors/redactors, like their Theravādin counterparts, include anti-abortion attitudes in their monastic literature, I uncover a number of discrepancies in comparable passages related to abortion in the Vinaya of these two schools. To give but one example, Mahāsāṃghika-Lokottaravādin and Mūlasarvāstivādin authors/redactors appear hesitant to include in their Vinayas narratives that portray monks assisting laywomen in procuring abortions: something the Theravādins record in a number of locations. While the ramifications of such differences are not immediately clear, we can at least conclude, in contrast to what previous studies imply, that Buddhist attitudes toward abortion are not recorded in a simple one-to-one correlation across extant Indian Vinayas. / Thesis / Master of Arts in Religion (MAR)

My interest in Thomas Merton began two years ago in my last year of an M.A. program in Church History at the Wheaton Graduate school outside of Chicago. In particular, I was impressed with Merton's ability to carry on a dialogue with D.T. Suzuki, communicator of Rinzai Zen to the west, while retaining his commitment to Christianity. Hence I chose to work on an aspect of the Merton/Suzuki dialogue recorded in Zen and the Birds of Appetite. The impulse for such a study arose from my own questions regarding Christianity. Did Christianity alone contain the formula for truth or did Christianity contain one of many formulas to find ultimate reality or God? It became evident as I progressed in my research that the kingpin in Merton's dilemma between the Kerygma of Christianity and Zen consciousness was the epistemological question. The epistemological road of Zen Buddhism is that of experience. The epistemological road of Christianity equally emphasizes experience and rationality. Inasmuch as the experience of the reality of the Kerygma is a vital component of Christianity, and inasmuch as this sphere is often downplayed in a society which puts the scientific method on a pedastle, Merton correctly assimilates Zen Buddhist themes in order to inform that neglected aspect of Christianity. However, the irreconcilable difference between Zen Buddhism and Christianity is apparent. Christianity is not just an experiential, romantic feeling of unity with 'the one'. Conversely, Zen Buddhism refuses the imposition of content on its central thrust. I conclude that we are faced with a 'Mexican standoff’ between Christianity and Zen Buddhism inasmuch as in the quest for satori the Zen Buddhist will not include the Kerygma, nor will the Christian eliminate the Kerygma in his quest for the experience of ultimate reality or God. Thus a merger is impossible unless severe compromise is made on both sides. I maintain that while there is a wealth of gold to be discovered in Christianity and Zen Buddhism, it is impossible to equate them. Merton’s theory of the non-religious character of Zen which can shine through any system, enabled him to espouse the Zen-way to a Christian audience. I refute the claim that Zen is non-religious and rather maintain that allegiance to non-thought represents a definite epistemological stance. Also, the authoritative edge in Zen inspired by satori contains the same degree of dogmatism as the Christian allegiance to the deity of Christ. I understand Merton’s assimilation of Zen themes with his evolved Christian thought in the following manner: 1. Disgust with a technological society whose values carried over into the religious sphere. 2. His own poetic, paradoxical nature and obsession with ultimate reality. 3. His desire that Zen Buddhists learn about Christianity in a non-threatening way, and 4. His intuition that Christianity must be more than intellectual assent to dogma which does not: change one’s lifestyle, and his discovery in Zen of a preparatory mode for the breakthrough of truth. He wanted to integrate the heart with the head. I begin with a biographical report of Merton’s life and evolved religious thought. The second chapter focusses on representative thinkers in Merton’s thought beginning with Bernard of Clairvauxs Meister Eckhart and D.T. Suzuki. Finally the third chapter focusses on the dialogue between Suzuki and Merton. / Thesis / Master of Arts (MA)

published_or_final_version / Chinese / Master / Master of Arts

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Buddhism is believed to have all but died out in India following the thirteenth century Muslim invasion. However, in Bengal groups of non-Bengali people have continued to practice Therāvada Buddhism, which they are said to have imported from nearby Burma, or which they were converted to from other forms of Buddhism after migrating to Bengal. Their practices were "reformed" in 1856 by Burmese monks. An analysis of the historical material reveals a tendency by non-Buddhist Bengalis to downplay any relationship between the Buddhist traditions of Burma and Bangladesh, and to represent Buddhism as a phenomenon of the past. This reinterpretation of historical data is part of the formation process of a Bangladeshi national identity. That this process is in progress is confirmed by the existence in Bangladesh of a centralised and standardised educational system, having among its aims the integration of the national population. Religious education, in Bangladesh as elsewhere, plays within this system an important role in national integration. On the other hand, certain institutions of Bangladeshi Buddhism, such as temporary ordination, and features like the importance attributed to the Mahāmuni temple (which houses a replica of a very sacred Buddha image from Burma) confirm the historical connection between the Bangladeshi and the Southeast Asian Buddhist traditions. Any remaining doubts about the nature of Bangladeshi Buddhism are dispelled by the reading of a devotional song belonging to the genre known as Bauddha pālā kīrtana. The kīrtana, a ballad originating within the Hindu devotional movements, is very popular among all Bengalis, with no distinction of faith. The subject of this text, deriving from an apocryphal birth-story of the Buddha of Southeast Asian origin, reveals once again a link between the Buddhist traditions of Southeast Asia and Bangladesh, its Indian style just indicating regional taste.

民國佛教發展的一條主線是佛教的改革運動，這條線索串聯起了國家、寺僧、信眾，成為觀察和理解佛教如何回應時代劇變的關鍵。學術界對近代中國佛教史的研究中亦對佛教改革有所關注，但至少存在兩方面的不足：首先，關注的對象過於狹窄，局限在少數推行改革的"高僧"或居士的生平、思想上，故常將改革的藍圖當做了改革的實效，導致對民國佛教的特徵概括有所偏差；其次，未能從地方的視角出發，無法具體分析佛教在地方社區的各群體中扮演的複雜角色，因此對改革遭受抵制乃至失敗的原因分析不清。 / 本論文以民國時期（1912 - 1949）政治和佛教重鎮南京市的佛教寺廟、組織和信徒為中心，討論在政府和僧團自上而下的雙重改革計劃中，地方佛教如何進行回應。在研究方法上主要利用社會史、地方史的方法，通過解讀政府公文、檔案、佛教報刊、方誌寺誌、調查報告、時人文集等新、舊史料，結合量化的數據統計和質性的案例分析來呈現民國時首都南京的佛教狀況。 / 全文主體分四章展開，第一章主要透過數據展示南京佛寺、僧眾、廟產的概貌，第二、三兩章分別敘述國家和僧團建設首都模範佛教社群的嘗試及其成效，第四章分析南京城內信佛居士和民眾的實踐及其與佛教改革間的關係。本文的結論認為：相對於國家和僧團的初衷，佛教改革在南京的推行困境重重、收效甚微。其原因不可簡單歸為"保守"僧人的阻撓，"國家"內部的信仰和利益分歧使得政府主導的改革計劃大多被消解，而改革派僧人囿於現實條件而態度搖擺或方式不當也使得僧團主導的改革藍圖空有其名。地方的僧人、居士、信眾往往根據自身和當地的實際情況，在與各方勢力的斡旋中長期維持著他們認為最重要的佛教信仰、儀式和組織，比如佛教的禪、凈實踐、僧人的經懺傳統、寺院的法會香會等。最後在南京這樣的江浙中心城市，佛教所延續的傳統多過革新的成績。 / 通過考察南京的佛教改革進程，我們可以進一步修正甚或挑戰學界對近代佛教史的既有認知。第一，佛教在近代"宗教"/"迷信"的定義和分類中被作為合法的宗教，僧人的改革計劃亦有不少與政府的計劃重合，故佛教常被認作順應國家管制的代表。實則僧信的靈活抵制和佛教組織承擔的慈善、教育等公共角色經常違背國家意圖，這使得佛教也常成為讓政府世俗化計劃擱淺的"暗礁"。第二，在看似最具備改革條件的南京，佛教革新舉步維艱，民國時大多佛教徒反而熱衷於追求彼岸之解脫、重視儀式和神秘力量，這不同於學者通常總結的近代佛教的理性化、去傳統化、去神話化、心理化等現代特徵，兩種特點至少是並存的。第三，佛教改革的不徹底甚或失敗，並不意味其積重難返，反而表明在不同特徵的混融與競爭中各方的宗教需求都能得到滿足，這顯示了佛教社群的整體繁榮。故在評價佛教的地位時不必預設一種唯一"正確的"形態去判別其"衰落"或"復興"，而可採取更為開放、包容的宗教學立場。 / The Buddhist reformation was a main theme in the history of modern Chinese Buddhism. It showed how did a Buddhist community respond to the challenge of that times by involving the state, Buddhist temples, monks and laypersons. Scholarly attention has been paid on this theme, while there still is room for improvement. Firstly, previous researches preferred lives and thoughts of "eminent monks" or intellectual lay Buddhists who endorsed the reform rather than ordinary believers, which led to the confusion between reform blueprint and real effects. Secondly, the reason why Buddhist reformation failed was vague because few study applied a region-based approach to analyze different roles Buddhism played in local societies. This dissertation focuses on Buddhist temples, organizations and believers in Nanjing during the Republican period (1912-1949). It aims at local responses to Buddhist reformations launched by the government and Buddhist activists respectively. Approaches of social and local history will be applied to analyse various materials such as official documents and archives, Buddhist newspapers and periodicals, local and temple gazetteers, memoirs and collected works of contemporaries. Pictures of the Buddhist community in capital Nanjing will emerge from statistical analysis as well as case studies. / This thesis consists of four main chapters. Quantitative studies have been done in chapter 1 to portray the general picture of temples, monks and temple properties in Nanjing. Chapter 2 & 3 discusses and evaluates the reformative attempts of some officials and monks in Nanjing respectively as to make a model Buddhist community in the capital. Chapter 4 presents the practice of laymen in the city and illustrates its relationship with the reform. It can be concluded that the effects of the Buddhist reform were quite limited compared to its ambitious plan. The reason cannot be simply ascribed to the boycott of those "conservative monks". As a matter of fact, divergent opinions and interests in state and sangha made the reform campaigns exist in name only. Besides, clergy and laity were good at evading reformative pressures come from the top. They maintained those beliefs and rituals they considered valuable, such as the practice of pure land, the tradition of chanting and confession, the dharma assemble and pilgrimage and so forth. As a result, the conventional traditions in Buddhism were much more transparent than those unconventional reformative characteristics in a modern city like Nanjing. / Based on the example of Nanjing, we can shed some light on the research of modern Chinese Buddhism. First of all, Buddhism was considered as a disciplined religion in the religion/superstition dichotomy formulated by government. But the practice of monks and laypersons always went against the reform plan. The charitable and educational roles Buddhist organizations played alarmed the officials as well. These made Buddhism actually become "hidden obstacles" to the secularization progress launched by government. Secondly, the failure of the reform demonstrates that most Buddhists were enthusiastic about afterlife, rituals and mysterious power in modern times. Therefore, characteristics of modern Buddhism summarized by scholars as rationality, de-traditionalization, demythologization and psychologization should be reevaluated. Thirdly, the unthoroughness of the reform didn’t necessarily mean the degeneration or decline of Buddhism in the Republican era. On the contrary, the confrontational and competitive ideas of Buddhism met different demands of believers and brought prosperity to this religion in a local society. The Nanjing example reminds us that we should not assume a "standard Buddhism" to judge others. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 邵佳德. / Parallel title from added title page. / Thesis (Ph.D.) Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2015. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 223-236). / Abstracts also in English. / Shao Jiade.

張志義. / 手稿本, 複本據稿本複印. / Thesis (M.A.)--香港中文大學, 1990. / Shou gao ben, fu ben ju gao ben fu yin. / Includes bibliographical references: leaves 1-59 (3rd group) / Zhang Zhiyi. / Thesis (M.A.)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 1990. / Chapter 第一章： --- 緒言 --- p.1 / （註釋） --- p.8 / Chapter 第二章； --- 東南地區佛教及寺院經濟之發展與慈善公益事業 --- p.11 / Chapter (一) --- 宋代佛教重心之南移與東南地區佛教之及發展 --- p.11 / Chapter (1) --- 漢迄五代佛教在東南地區之發展 --- p.11 / Chapter (2) --- 佛教重心之南移 --- p.24 / Chapter (3) --- 東南地區佛教之興盛與寺院慈善公益事業之關係 --- p.42 / Chapter (二) --- 東南地區寺院經濟之發達與慈善公益事業 --- p.46 / Chapter (1) --- 宋代寺院經濟之發展 --- p.46 / Chapter (2) --- 東南地區經濟之蓬勃與寺院經濟之興盛 --- p.56 / Chapter (3) --- 東南地區寺院經濟之發達與慈善公益事業之關係 --- p.63 / （註釋）　 --- p.76 / Chapter 第三章 --- 東南地區佛教寺院自發營辦之慈善公益事業 --- p.137 / Chapter (一) --- 東南地區寺院積極從事慈善公益事業之原因 --- p.140 / Chapter (1) --- 受佛教之慈悲、福田觀念影響 --- p.140 / Chapter (2) --- 禪宗流行之影響 --- p.144 / Chapter (3) --- 佛教順俗政策之影響 --- p.148 / Chapter (4) --- 佛教寺院欲藉廣種福田以結善緣 --- p.152 / Chapter (二) --- 東南地區寺院所積極從事之慈善公益事業　 --- p.158 / Chapter (1) --- 社會救濟 --- p.158 / Chapter (2) --- 地方建設 --- p.169 / Chapter (3) --- 便俗利民 --- p.179 / Chapter (4) --- 教育事業 --- p.188 / （註釋） --- p.193 / Chapter 第四章 --- 東南地區寺院與官紳合辦之慈善公益事業 --- p.280 / Chapter (一) --- 宋政府委託東南地區寺院興辦之慈善公益事業 --- p.280 / Chapter (1) --- 宋代東南地區官督寺辦慈善益事業之興起 --- p.283 / Chapter (I) --- 政府委託寺院興辦之原因　　　　　　 --- p.283 / Chapter (II) --- 寺院願意接受政府委託之原因 --- p.291 / Chapter (2) --- 宋政府委託寺院所興辦之慈善公益事業 --- p.295 / Chapter (I) --- 社會福利 --- p.295 / Chapter (II) --- 緊急救濟 --- p.302 / Chapter (III) --- 地方建設 --- p.308 / Chapter (二) --- 東南地區佛教寺院興辦的慈善公益事業與鄉紳的關係 --- p.316 / Chapter (1) --- 鄉紳支持或與寺院合辦慈善公益事業之原因 --- p.319 / Chapter (I) --- 宗教因素 --- p.319 / Chapter (II) --- 政治社會因素 --- p.324 / Chapter (2) --- 鄉紳與寺院合辦之慈善公益事業 --- p.329 / （註釋） --- p.337 / Chapter 第五章 --- 結論 --- p.420 / （註釋） --- p.427 / 徵引及參考書目 / 提要

陳志華. / Thesis (M.A.)--香港中文大學硏究院哲學學部. / Manuscript. / Includes bibliographical references: leaves 203-216. / Chen Zhihua. / Thesis (M.A.)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue yan jiu yuan zhe xue xue bu. / 自序 / Chapter (一) --- 前言 / Chapter (二) --- 阿毘達磨的自性形而上學：一個自性形而上學的典範 / Chapter (三) --- 自性形而上學的批判(I)：語言的省察 / Chapter (四) --- 自性形而上學的批判(II)：實體化概念的消解 / Chapter (五) --- 中管哲學的基本立場：形而上學：是/否？ / Chapter (六) --- 結語 / 注釋 / Chapter 附錄一 --- <<龍樹：其人及其著作>> / Chapter 附錄二 --- 參考文獻