Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2002. / AD-A411 381. Includes bibliographical references (p. 65-66). Also available online.

Thesis (M.S. in Joint Campaign Planning and Strategy)--Joint Forces Staff College, Joint Advanced Warfighting School, 2005. / "13 May 05." Electronic version of original print document. Includes bibliographical references (p. 71-73).

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Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited / Reissued 30 May 2017 with correction to department on title page. / Relations between China and Japan suffer under the "history issue", an inability to reconcile these nations' relative perspectives on past wartime events. With emphasis on China's construction of the history issue, this thesis analyzes when and why China calls particular attention to Japan's past aggression and the degree to which China's actions have impacted bilateral relations from 1972 to 2016. Using elements from collective memory, national identity, and balance of power theories, this thesis makes four main arguments. First, provocative Japanese behavior revives the collective memories of past trauma and provokes criticism of Japanese politics. Second, when China perceives threats from Japan, it highlights Japan's past atrocities and lack of contrition to contain Japan's ambitions or gain relative power. Third, when collective memory is the main driver in shaping relations, balance of power plays a more supporting role and vice versa. Last, the public's collective memory and the volatile activation of the public's genuine anti-Japanese sentiments were the strongest factors in explaining the downturn of relations. As the United States implements its security strategy in East Asia, understanding historical disputes and their implications on the security status of the region is crucial, as they will affect agreements with our allies. / Major, United States Marine Corps

The purpose of this study is to critically evaluate three scholarly perspectives -- balance of power, institutional, and security complex -- to examine the evolving dynamics of security interdependence and inter-state relations among Southeast Asian states and external powers since 1945. This study is thus a comparative evaluation of the strengths and weaknesses of the three methods in their empirical analysis of the regional security dynamics of Southeast Asia.¶ There is much merit in the balance of power approach. It tracked the consequences of the bipolar Cold War rivalry on Southeast Asia. Its logical construction led it to be concerned with alliances, coalitions and alignments. But it has not satisfactorily explained the relatively benign conditions after the Cold War. The institutional approach similarly emphasizes material explanatory factors (although, in its case, not exclusively so). It identifies the emergence of institutions when groups of countries find it in their mutual interest to cooperate through rules and norms. But the approach may prove to be incomplete in assessing ASEAN's post-Cold War behaviour. As an analytical device, the security complex is deployed to provide a corrective to the over-emphasis (of the other two approaches) on the systemic dynamics. By identifying regional and local dynamics interacting with systemic dynamics via patterns of amity and enmity, it offers explanatory accounts of the behaviour of regional states in situations where the other two approaches fail to do satisfactorily. Moreover, it provides a framework for the deployment of constructivism, which identifies the ideational process whereby interdependent regional states respond to changes in both the power and amity-enmity attributes.¶ This study concludes that security relations among Southeast Asian states and in their relations with external powers after the Cold War, are better examined using the three approaches in a complementary manner. In this way, the influence of local amity-enmity patterns is seen to impact on balance of power and institutional situations.

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After having confronted for fifty years, arms race across the Taiwan Strait does not come to an end but rather deteriorate sharply in recent years. This directly puts national security of Taiwan and China in danger. Therefore, this study is to explore the development of cross-strait arms race with four phases: the US Defending ROC Era, the Post Era of Determination of ROC-US Diplomatic Relations, the Post Cold-War Era, and the Post 911 Era. In addition, this study will predict how arms race across the Taiwan Strait will develop in the future. After all, international society stresses national power, of which military forces are one of the most critical factors. Moreover, this study will bring in those Asian-Pacific countries for discussion. By focusing on different historical backgrounds of north-eastern and south-eastern Asia and by viewing with perspectives of Triangle Strategy and Neo-Realism, this study will examine the diplomatic development in the way each Asian-Pacific country interacts with China and Taiwan respectively. Ever since Taiwan withdrew from the United Nations, she has adopted diplomatic strategies such as ¡§Realistic Diplomacy,¡¨ ¡§Elastic Diplomacy,¡¨ or ¡§Double Recognition.¡¨ Nevertheless, this way is never easy but full of challenges and predicaments. If considering Taiwan¡¦s diplomatic process with those Asian-Pacific countries, we may wonder and doubt whether such diplomatic strategy as ¡§Double Recognition¡¨ can be feasible, for ¡§Double Recognition¡¨ exists only when the to-recognize country and the two recognized countries unanimously accept one another. Besides, ¡§Double Recognition¡¨ works on the premise that the two recognized countries must be countries. But whenever Taiwan utilizes ¡§Double Recognition¡¨ policy, China strongly and unyieldingly opposes this move, putting Taiwan into a predicament that she is not recognized as a country by China. It may be understandable that Taiwan embraces the ¡§Two Nations¡¨ theory, but it is no better than froth unless China concedes. In other words, Taiwan hardly gets away from being denied by China and international society, no matter how enthusiastically she raises the policies such as ¡§Two China¡¨ or ¡§One China, One Taiwan.¡¨ Therefore, the purpose of this study is to examine how Asian-Pacific countries react with one another in terms of politics, military, and economy and how these interactions affect each country, given the premise that arms race across the Taiwan Strait has been deteriorating. This study also provides some useful research findings and suggestions for Taiwan to deal with Asian-Pacific diplomatic policies.

Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2004. / Thesis advisor(s): Harold Trinkunas, Jeff Knopf. Includes bibliographical references (p. 81-85). Also available online.

Typescript. / Bibliography: leaves [230]-240. / xvi, 303 leaves ill

Thesis (M.S. in Management)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 1990. / Thesis Advisor(s): Trietsch, Dan. Second Reader: McGonigal, Richard A. "June 1990." Description based on title screen as viewed on October 20, 2009. DTIC Identifier(s): Resource Management, Military Forces (Foreign), Military Force Levels, Balance Of Power, North Korea, South Korea, Military Budgets, Government (Foreign), Theses. Author(s) subject terms: Korea, Inventory, Budget Constraint, War Fighting Capability. Includes bibliographical references (p. 47-48). Also available online.