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After having confronted for fifty years, arms race across the Taiwan Strait does not come to an end but rather deteriorate sharply in recent years. This directly puts national security of Taiwan and China in danger. Therefore, this study is to explore the development of cross-strait arms race with four phases: the US Defending ROC Era, the Post Era of Determination of ROC-US Diplomatic Relations, the Post Cold-War Era, and the Post 911 Era. In addition, this study will predict how arms race across the Taiwan Strait will develop in the future. After all, international society stresses national power, of which military forces are one of the most critical factors. Moreover, this study will bring in those Asian-Pacific countries for discussion. By focusing on different historical backgrounds of north-eastern and south-eastern Asia and by viewing with perspectives of Triangle Strategy and Neo-Realism, this study will examine the diplomatic development in the way each Asian-Pacific country interacts with China and Taiwan respectively. Ever since Taiwan withdrew from the United Nations, she has adopted diplomatic strategies such as ¡§Realistic Diplomacy,¡¨ ¡§Elastic Diplomacy,¡¨ or ¡§Double Recognition.¡¨ Nevertheless, this way is never easy but full of challenges and predicaments. If considering Taiwan¡¦s diplomatic process with those Asian-Pacific countries, we may wonder and doubt whether such diplomatic strategy as ¡§Double Recognition¡¨ can be feasible, for ¡§Double Recognition¡¨ exists only when the to-recognize country and the two recognized countries unanimously accept one another. Besides, ¡§Double Recognition¡¨ works on the premise that the two recognized countries must be countries. But whenever Taiwan utilizes ¡§Double Recognition¡¨ policy, China strongly and unyieldingly opposes this move, putting Taiwan into a predicament that she is not recognized as a country by China. It may be understandable that Taiwan embraces the ¡§Two Nations¡¨ theory, but it is no better than froth unless China concedes. In other words, Taiwan hardly gets away from being denied by China and international society, no matter how enthusiastically she raises the policies such as ¡§Two China¡¨ or ¡§One China, One Taiwan.¡¨ Therefore, the purpose of this study is to examine how Asian-Pacific countries react with one another in terms of politics, military, and economy and how these interactions affect each country, given the premise that arms race across the Taiwan Strait has been deteriorating. This study also provides some useful research findings and suggestions for Taiwan to deal with Asian-Pacific diplomatic policies.

The purpose of this study is to determine if the United Nations is structured in a manner that allows for it to effectively protect its principles while meeting the challenges emerging from the increasing number of security threats carried out by violent non-state actors. The United Nations, through the strategies of collective security and sovereign equality, aspires to have its member states prevent war through the peaceful settlement of disputes. This thesis argues that, by examining the legal norms that govern the methods in which member states are authorized to use force, the foundation and principles of the United Nations are to promote collective security through the avoidance of war. The United Nations' Charter only outlines a method for how sovereign states are to handle disputes with other states. The Charter fails to establish an effective method for states to respond to violence that originates from a non-state source. States therefore have elected to respond to aggression by non-state actors in terms that are not in accordance with the United Nations' Charter. This thesis therefore argues that any member state that chooses to use force against another state, specifically due to that state being the perceived origin of violent non-state aggression, without the approval of the United Nations Security Council, is doing so illegally and undermining the integrity of the organization. Since the United Nations' Charter fails to make provisions for the use of force against violence by non-state on state actors, it would seem wise for the United Nations to update its Charter to reflect a more efficient method for states to respond to non-state aggression. Unless the United Nations modernizes to respond to this tactic and outlines a strict method for states to respond to these situations, the United Nations will grow increasingly irrelevant. The thesis is organized into four main parts. The introduction describes the legal foundation of the United Nations and argues that its integrity is based upon the concept of collective security. This examination will explore the historical growth of collective security through the successes and failures of organizations who have previously employed its principles. This section will go into detail on the main principles of the United Nations Charter, specifically when the use of force is permissible by the organization. The first chapter offers a historical examination into the growth of non-state actors and the terrorist tactics they have employed. Terrorism is a tactic that aspires to disrupt society through the threat or usage of violence. This tactic typically uses or threatens to use violence in an attempt to gain footage in political, economic, religious or social issues. This analysis will offer evidence into the effectiveness of this tactic for inflicting civilian casualties and disrupting the peace of states. The second chapter is an analysis of how the United Nations has evolved to address the global growth of terrorism. This analysis will be supported by the legal documentation that the United Nations has passed to address terrorism. The main method in which the United Nations has employed to suppress terrorism is sanctions. This section will detail cases where the United Nations has used economic sanctions as a method to punish states that support terrorism. The third chapter of this thesis will offer an in-depth analysis of instances where, despite structures that the United Nations has in place to suppress terrorism, member states have determined that their state is not adequately protected from terrorism. In turn, these states have used force against another sovereign state without a Security Council mandate. By doing this, the member states have violated United Nations articles governing the use of force and the notion of collective security. The final section of this thesis will offer recommendations on necessary changes to the United Nations Charter regarding the use of force against violence by non-state on state actors. More efficient legal framework is necessary in the United Nations Charter to allow for states to capably and legally respond to the growth of terrorism. This thesis demonstrates that the current structure of the United Nations is incapable of controlling or responding to violent non-state actors. Additionally, with the mounting number of occurrences where a member state elects to use force against another sovereign state in response to terrorism, the core principles and purpose of the United Nations are becoming moot. This thesis will conclude by exploring possible reform within the United Nations by allowing for member states to legally and effectively respond to the terrorist activities of violent non-state actors. This reform would be achieved by outlining legal action allowed by a state when attacked or threatened with an attack by a non-state actor. / Master of Arts

Master thesis is dealing with the topic of Collective security during the time following World war the first, during the time of League of Nations duration. Except the introduction and conclusion Thesis is divided into five sections. First section is dealing with the issue of Collective security. In order to conduct deeper analysis, term is divided into two parts - Security and Collectiveness. Concept of Security is analysed further when four different aspects are identified. Collectiveness is also examined in order to define its meaning. First part also includes distinction between Collective security and Collective self-defence. Despite their different meanings these two terms are often interchanged. Second part deals with the events preceding the creation of League of Nations. Especially the Paris peace conference. Since it laid down the foundations for the new International organization and its prime document, the Covenant. Second part is also dealing with the demands of the victorious powers on a concept of Collective security. Since the victors did not share single opinion on how to organise new international organisation, the Covenant of League of Nations and its legal mechanisms are result of a diplomatic compromise. Third part is dealing with the specific parts of the Covenant. The parts related to...

1 Peacekeeping Operations within the System of Collective Security Summary The purpose of this thesis is to provide the reader not only with the basic overview of the formation of the peacekeeping missions and evolution of these missions to present form, but also to introduce him direction of present globalized (or globalizing) world in relation with the future development of international organizations and relations of its member states. The reason of my interest in this topic is my interest in history and what does existence of these organizations mean for our future. Are we stronger because of them or do they lead to more problems than they solve? This thesis is composed from chapters focused on history and organizational structure of international organizations, present state of peacekeeping operations, case studies of chosen peacekeeping operations, Czech Republic's involvement in the international structures and final chapter inspired by the Brahimi report which is focused on technological progress and its effect on present and future of peacekeeping operations and other conflicts. International organizations are global or regional, are distinguished by their focus and reason of their existence. Ideas, on which they are based, often have to give in to new realities of the world. It is not possible to...

1 Responsibility of States for Unlawful Acts in Cyberspace Abstract This master's thesis addresses the topic of responsibility of state for the unlawful acts in cyberspace. The research subject is the application of the legal norms and the possibility of the state being held responsible in the field of collective security and human rights in cyberspace. It discusses mainly the question of use of force, armed attack, and aggression. Regarding the human rights, this master's thesis focuses on right to private life and family life, freedom of expression and right to life. This thesis delimitates the rules of responsibility of state under the Articles on Responsibility of State for Unlawful acts. In the chosen fields it was found that the international public law applies in limited manner also to cyberspace. In cyberspace, many attacks take place, which may result in breach in different fields of international law. To answer the question of the state responsibility, it was firstly dealt with, whether the subject-matter of this breaches can be reached in cyberspace. Following the analysis of the contemporary case law and state positions, it was argued, that the responsibility for the breach of prohibition of use of force may be applied in cyberspace. This thesis uses terms of armed attack and aggression and also...

The EU has since 2003 carried out six military operations.  This thesis seeks to determine the circumstances under which the EU will, or will not, undertake military operations.  It does so through the study of two main cases of EU military operations: the case when an operation was planned in the Lebanon war 2006 but did not occur, and the positive case of EUFOR RD Congo that same year which did occur. Three additional cases are presented. An analytical tool built on the techniques of defence planning and concepts derived from the scholarly literature is applied to the cases for the purpose of identifying the main driving and inhibiting factors behind the operations. The functional  theme of the use of force and the organizational theme of the multilateralisation of intervention serve as the main scholarly concepts.  The interaction between the intervener and the local actors, as well as between political and resource factors, is introduced in order to create an integrated framework for the analysis of the dynamics at play in the EU’s use of force. The limitations to the "jus bellum" tradition is noted in the analysis of the EU´s operations that have situated themselves in a low-to-middle bandwidth in terms of interests and risks at stake. Among the findings, the growing importance of local actors in shaping the room for the EU´s deployment of military force stands out, as do resource constraints, in the EU´s case primarily in the form of its limited command and control structures but also through the overstretch of the global pool of expeditionary forces felt around 2006. As seen from the organizational perspective, the EU´s first military operations can best be understood in the context of the increasing role of regional security providers in an unofficial division of labour with regard to the multilateralisation of intervention. / <p>Avaliable in revised and extended version: "The EU and Military Operations. A comparative analysis".</p><p>http://www.routledge.com/books/details/9780415821360</p><p> </p>

Orientador: Suzeley Kalil Mathias / Banca: Héctor Luís Saint-Pierre / Banca: Flávio Rocha de Oliveira / O Programa de Pós-Graduação em Relações Internacionais é instituído em parceria com a Unesp/Unicamp/PUC-SP, em projeto subsidiado pela CAPES, intitulado "Programa San Tiago Dantas". / Resumo: Neste trabalho, avaliamos se a intervenção da OTAN no Kosovo corresponde a uma nova concepção de segurança desenvolvido pela Organização, conforme defendem seus países-membros em documentos oficiais da década de 1990. A Organização do Tratado do Atlântico Norte (OTAN) constituiu-se, desde sua fundação no final da década de 1940, numa aliança militar entre Estados Unidos e Europa Ocidental contra a ameaça de invasão a partir da União Soviética. Seu aparato defensivo e uma série de outros arranjos cooperativos foram articulados com base nessa premissa, que teria sido revista a partir do fim da Guerra Fria. Nos anos 1990, portanto, a organização reviu seu conceito estratégico e propôs um novo conceito de segurança, apregoando adaptar-se a um novo ambiente internacional. Em 1999, a OTAN interveio militarmente na então República Federal da Iugoslávia com vistas a interromper o enfrentamento entre seu governo, organizações autonomistas ou separatistas da província autônoma do Kosovo e a população civil daquele local, alegando garantir auxílio humanitário e a interrupção de violações de direitos humanos, algo associado a sua nova concepção estratégica. / Abstract: The pursuit of this work is to analyze if NATO‟s intervention in Kosovo corresponds to a new security conception developed by the organization, as its member States argue in official documents at the 1990‟s. The North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) was constituted, since its foundation at the end of the 1940‟s, of a military alliance among United States, Canada and West Europe against a threat of invasion by the Soviet Union. Its defensive structure and a wide range of cooperative arrangements were based on this argument having it been reviewed by the end of the Cold War. At the 1990‟s the organization remodeled its strategic concept and purposed a new security concept, affirming to adapt itself to the new international environment. In 1999, NATO intervened militarily against the former Federal Republic of Yugoslavia aiming to interrupt the conflict among its government, autonomist or separatist organizations from the autonomous region of Kosovo and the civil population of that region, alleging to guarantee humanitarian aid to interrupt hard human rights violations, something associated later to its new strategic concept. / Mestre

The theme of this work is "The position and activities of the Czech Republic in the UN." Within this theme, I focused on the UN's role in ensuring international peace and security and foreign policy of the Czech Republic in relation to this main task of the UN as an organization of collective security. I have chosen this topic, because this issue has always been, is and will be current, as to ensure the peaceful development of all countries is a major challenge for the entire international community. On this issue also meet all the discipline that deal with international relations as such. As the Theory of International Relations and International Law, trying to find solutions that would prevent the outbreak of another war. In this paper I analyze the Czech foreign policy at three levels of analysis, at the level of the international system, on state level and on level of national institutions. At the level of the international system I describe reality from the perspective of international intergovernmental organizations, in this case the United Nations, using sociological institutionalism. At the state level I will analyze the Czech foreign policy in terms of classical realism, since it is at this level of analysis still the strongest and most influential theory of international relations. At the level of national institutions I analyze the Czech foreign policy in terms of the bureaucratic model. The thesis has three main chapters, equal to the three levels of analysis. The first chapter is dedicated to two theories of international relations, namely structural realism and social institutionalism. The theories and their views on reality of world politics are important, because at this level of analysis, I am trying to define the theoretical assumptions for the UN's role as an international sovereign. The second chapter is devoted to foreign policy of the Czech Republic in relation to the UN as a system of collective security, which is the optimum solution for the maintain security of the Republic as a small state. This chapter also highlights the tradition and prestige, which enjoyed Czechoslovakia as a founding member of the UN. The third chapter analyzes the internal processes that precede the formation of Czech foreign policy. In this regard, I focus primarily on national institutions. The analysis at this level is to see how the creation of foreign policy is a complex process, which is also derived from those political parties that are just in power.