The purpose of this study was to explore the impacts of historical diplomacy between Japan and China during the period of Koizumi cabinet. The study focuses on the background of Sino-Japanese historical relations and introduces the details interactions between Japan and China during the Koizumi cabinet. I combine the Japanese political development , Sino-Japanese historical relations, and the different impression of Japan and China to confer historical issue how to occurred, lead to the Sino-Japanese relations for the period of Koizumi cabinet facing unprecedented challenges. Finally, I find out the fundamental reason behind the deterioration of Sino-Japanese relations in the Koizumi era, and then try further to predict the possible future development about Sino-Japanese relations under the new government, expect to explore the main factors of the impact of historical issues in Sino-Japanese relations.

Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited / Reissued 30 May 2017 with correction to department on title page. / Relations between China and Japan suffer under the "history issue", an inability to reconcile these nations' relative perspectives on past wartime events. With emphasis on China's construction of the history issue, this thesis analyzes when and why China calls particular attention to Japan's past aggression and the degree to which China's actions have impacted bilateral relations from 1972 to 2016. Using elements from collective memory, national identity, and balance of power theories, this thesis makes four main arguments. First, provocative Japanese behavior revives the collective memories of past trauma and provokes criticism of Japanese politics. Second, when China perceives threats from Japan, it highlights Japan's past atrocities and lack of contrition to contain Japan's ambitions or gain relative power. Third, when collective memory is the main driver in shaping relations, balance of power plays a more supporting role and vice versa. Last, the public's collective memory and the volatile activation of the public's genuine anti-Japanese sentiments were the strongest factors in explaining the downturn of relations. As the United States implements its security strategy in East Asia, understanding historical disputes and their implications on the security status of the region is crucial, as they will affect agreements with our allies. / Major, United States Marine Corps

Orientador: Marcos Cordeiro Pires / Resumo: Nossa pesquisa tem por objetivo analisar as recentes oscilações na relação diplomática entre China e Japão, tendo como hipótese que a forma e o contexto em que se deu a reaproximação e normalização das relações bilaterais, a partir 1972, seriam vitais para as futuras divergências e deterioração da relação sino-japonesa. Impulsionada por motivações pragmáticas da conjuntura da Guerra Fria – a aliança antissoviética formada por China-Japão-EUA – os líderes de ambas as nações deixaram de lado questões históricas e territoriais em prol de uma aliança de segurança pragmática. Argumentamos que a gradual deterioração da frágil relação criada se intensificou quando o contexto no qual a aliança foi formada desapareceu, o colapso da URSS e o fim da Guerra Fria. Sendo assim, os problemas deixados de lado em 1972 emergiram na relação sino-japonesa de forma mais acentuada, sobretudo nas primeiras décadas do século XXI, ocasionando a recente oscilação de afastamento e aproximação. Portanto, no trabalho realizamos uma breve sumarização de como a normalização ocorreu e a maneira como a relação diplomática se desenvolveu desde então. Posteriormente analisamos a questão das divergências relativas à memória sobre a guerra, distintas e antagônicas entre os dois Estados. Evidenciamos também que o contexto pós-Guerra Fria e o fim da aliança antissoviética desencadeou processos que levaram a crescente insegurança entre China e Japão, assim como trouxe a tona a disputa territorial das ilhas Diaoyu/S... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo) / Abstract: Our research aims to analyze the recent fluctuations in the diplomatic relationship between China and Japan assuming that the form and context in which the rapprochement and normalization of bilateral relations took place, from 1972 onwards, would be vital for future divergences and deterioration of the Sino-Japanese relationship. Driven by pragmatic motivations of the Cold War conjuncture – the anti-Soviet alliance formed by China- US-Japan – the Sino-Japanese leaders set aside historical and territorial issues in favor of a pragmatic security alliance. We argue that the gradual deterioration of the already fragile relationship created was intensified when the context in which the alliance was formed disappeared, the collapse of the USSR and the end of the Cold War. Thus, the problems left aside in 1972 emerged in the Sino-Japanese relationship more markedly, especially in the first decades of the 21st century, causing the recent oscillation of detachment and rapprochement. Therefore, in the work we made a brief summary of how the normalization occurred and the way the diplomatic relationship has developed since then. Subsequently, we analyzed the issue of the divergences related to the memory of the Second Sino-Japanese War (1937-1945), different and antagonistic between the two States. We also sought to expose that the post-Cold War context and the end of the anti-Soviet alliance unleashed processes that led to growing insecurity between China and Japan, as well as brought... (Complete abstract click electronic access below) / Doutor

None / In the post-Cold War era, China, Japan and Taiwan entered the new phase of their relationship and were forced to reconsider their security and political dialogues. Despite of the US presence in East Asia, they are becoming more active players in the region, thus, shaping a regional “pseudo-strategic” triangle. The main focus in the research is security issues and concerns among the China, Japan and Taiwan in that period without active interference of the US. In 2002, China and Japan celebrated thirty years of relations` normalization. However, some scholars are not optimistic about future intentions of both countries. Contemporary Chinese and Japanese diplomats try to rely on the friendship diplomacy; however, their efforts in an official level still are described as “a mirage of good relations.” Therefore, in the future, China and Japan will keep “equal-but-distant” relationship. On the contrary, even though Japan and Taiwan do not have official relations, however, they both are getting closer by intensifying “unofficial” channels of communication. Overall, one can see that China, Japan, and Taiwan are interested in peace and stability in the region; yet, it remains unclear, whether all of them mean the same thing by security and stability; therefore, this is an important question for future research and security studies of East Asian region.

abstract: In 1072 Jōjin (1011-1081) boarded a Chinese merchant ship docked in Kabeshima (modern Saga) headed for Mingzhou (modern Ningbo) on the eastern coast of Northern Song (960-1279) China. Following the convention of his predecessors, Jōjin kept a daily record of his travels from the time he first boarded the Chinese merchant ship in Kabeshima to the day he sent his diary back to Japan with his disciples in 1073. Jōjin’s diary in eight fascicles, A Record of a Pilgrimage to Tiantai and Wutai Mountains (San Tendai Godaisan ki), is one of the longest extant travel accounts concerning medieval China. It includes a detailed compendium of anecdotes on material culture, flora and fauna, water travel, and bureaucratic procedures during the Northern Song, as well as the transcription of official documents, inscriptions, Chinese texts, and lists of personal purchases and official procurements. The encyclopedic nature of Jōjin’s diary is highly valued for the insight it provides into the daily life, court policies, and religious institutions of eleventh-century China. This dissertation addresses these aspects of the diary, but does so from the perspective of treating the written text as a material artifact of placemaking. The introductory chapter first contextualizes Jōjin’s diary within the travel writing genre, and then presents the theoretical framework for approaching Jōjin’s engagement with space and place. Chapter two presents the bustling urban life in Hangzhou in terms of Jōjin’s visual and material consumption of the secular realm as reflected in his highly illustrative descriptions of the night markets and entertainers. Chapter three examines Jōjin’s descriptions of sacred Tendai sites in China, and how he approaches these spaces with a sense of familiarity from the textual milieu that informed his movements across this religious landscape. Chapter four discusses Jōjin’s impressions of Kaifeng and the Grand Interior as a metropolitan space with dynamic functions and meanings. Lastly, chapter five concludes by considering the means by which Jōjin’s performance of place in his diary further contributes to the collective memory of place and his own sense of self across the text. / Dissertation/Thesis / Doctoral Dissertation East Asian Languages and Civilizations 2018

The relations between China and Japan are strained and continue to foster negative emotions partly because of China’s grievances about Japan’s actions during World War II and the allegedly false historiographical accounts found in Japanese history textbooks. This study will utilize historical analysis of the events leading up to the Nanjing Massacre in December of 1937, examine the Japanese Ministry of Education’s (MEXT) critical and contentious role in the selection of textbooks, used for primary and secondary schools, and will also juxtapose the controversial 2001 Atarashii rekishi kyōkasho with current Japanese history textbooks. The study will also include a syntactical analysis of key terms through my own original translations of multiple Japanese history textbooks, which are currently used in the Japanese school curriculum, to reveal that the textbook publishers, MEXT, and regulation councils are involved in adjusting the content causing the information to reveal various degrees of whitewashing.

本稿は日中の対外政策を構成する重要な概念である、PDの変容を分析した。本稿の検証が示すように、両国のPDの概念変容は決してそれぞれ独自の要因のみで説明できるわけではなく、互いを含む他者との相互作用の中で起こっているのである。国家がPDを活かしてソフト・パワーを追求しているため、日中のPDはしばしば他国とのパワーバランスの変化に影響されており、両国が抱えている国内の問題と課題も、それぞれのPDの変容を促した要因である。 / 博士(政治学) / Doctor of Political Science / 同志社大学 / Doshisha University

冷戰結束以來，兩極體系的瓦解使得東亞地區發生權力變化，為爭奪區域領導權，各國無不摩拳擦掌，其中尤以日本與中國兩國的競爭最為白熱化，兩國關係的發展也因而受到注目。日中兩國關係在1990年代歷經了初期的友好、中期的惡化與末期的低潮之後，進入二十一世紀，兩國關係已然走到關鍵的十字路口。2001年4月小泉純一郎以改革形象，挾前所未見的高人氣入主首相官邸，一上任即面臨受歷史教科書、李登輝訪日以及農產品貿易糾紛而陷入緊張的日中關係，再加上小泉首相面臨的是近兩百年來未見的崛起的中國，如何處理日中關係成為其任內的一大考驗。更重要的是，日中這東亞兩大國的互動，是合作抑或競爭，是否能破除「一山不容二虎」的迷思，都將大大影響東亞地區的未來，對身處東亞地區且正好鄰近此兩大國的我國來說，亦將是非常值得觀察的發展。 / 本文一開始首先簡單介紹從冷戰結束後到小泉首相上任之前，日中關係的大致發展，作為背景說明，其次則闡明本論文的研究動機與目的、研究範圍與限制、文獻回顧以及論文架構安排。第二章則介紹小泉時期的日本外交政策，提出五組決策者信念體系與其實際決策間的關聯因素作為分析架構，首先介紹小泉首相是如何看待現今的國際與區域情勢，以及因此衍生出來小泉的對外政策特徵，與傳統日本對外政策有何異同。第三章介紹自2001年4月小泉首相上台後日中關係的發展情況，以時間發展先後為本章的撰寫主軸，將小泉首相在位期間所發生對日本外交政策與日中關係有重大影響的四項重大國際事件（2001年9月的911事件、2002年10月的第二次北韓核武危機、2003年3月的伊拉克戰爭以及2005年12月的東亞高峰會）作為分斷點，並介紹此四項重大國際事件對日本外交政策的影響，以及該項日本外交政策的改變對於日中關係的影響。第四章分析小泉時期影響日中關係變化的發展因素，將小泉時期影響日中關係發展的重要正面因素分為經貿投資、在區域及國際性問題的合作以及政府開發援助（Official Development Assistance, ODA）三項。第五章分析小泉時期影響日中關係變化的衝突因素，將小泉時期影響日中關係發展的重要負面因素分為歷史與民族主義、領土、台灣、安全以及經濟與能源等五項。最後為結論，綜合以上各章節，歸納出小泉時期整體日中關係的情況與小泉上台對日中關係的影響及其原因，並以此為基礎，嘗試推測在「小泉後」的新政府時期，日中關係可能的發展走勢與變化。 / The purpose of this study was to explore the relations between two East Asian great powers, Japan and China, during Japanese Prime Minister Koizumi Junichiro’s tenure. After the Cold War, the two powers have had encountered a period of changing relationship in the 1990s – from honeymoon to a series of quarrels. Under the situation of the power vacuum and power shift happened in the East Asian region, Japan and China have clashed fiercely in the process of competing for regional leadership. Now at the beginning of the 21th Century, Japan-China relations are at a crossroad, and here comes Koizumi who just got the power to lead Japan toward the new century. The atmosphere between Japan and China in the Koizumi era may have a great effect not only on the future of Japan-China relations but also on the future of the whole region, even the whole world. As a member of the East Asian region, there should be great interests for us in studying this theme, and getting to know how to deal with these two great powers on the basis of our own national interests. / The first part of this thesis composes research motives, purposes, scopes, limits, methods and literature review, and also provides the background of Japan-China relations in the 1990s. Chapter two focuses on Japan’s Foreign Policy under the Koizumi government, and analyzes the Prime Minister’s viewpoint on the nature of today’s international system and understands his foreign policy and China policy. Chapter three introduces the details between Japan and China interactions during the tenure of Koizumi. While Chapter four and five analyzes respectively the factors which foster or impede the development of Japan-China relations. In the last chapter, I reach the conclusion and find out the fundamental reason behind the deterioration of Japan-China relations in the Koizumi era, and then try further to predict the possible future development of Japan-China relations under the new Abe government.

The overarching aim of the thesis is to present a framework that makes possible an understanding of bilateral relations that challenges mainstream International Relations (IR) approaches through a study of the “history issue” in Sino-Japanese relations. A secondary aim is to provide an alternative understanding of this issue. Discussions of the issue are often highly influenced by the objectivism, rationalism, state-centrism and agent-centrism common in mainstream IR theory. This has several consequences, primarily that the focus is chiefly on behaviour and that equal emphasis is rarely put on both contexts. In order to address these consequences, the question of what kinds of narrative, as expressed in museum exhibitions about war in both countries, can be found and which ones dominate is addressed using Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA). The narratives, which contain the stories “we” tell about “our” past, are important components in and instantiate the abstract images that are identities, through which people make sense of the world. The context-sensitive analysis confirms the constructivist assumption that narratives matter by demonstrating that political actors strongly believe narratives shape people’s minds and act accordingly. It also shows that different narratives are present in both countries. It is suggested that the narratives are closely linked to domestic identity politics. Nonetheless, the depiction of self and other in these has consequences for bilateral relations. This has several implications, for example, that changes in the behaviour of leaders, while they may have a positive impact on relations, are insufficient as solutions to the problems. This has consequences for approaches preoccupied with behaviour. The study contributes to constructivist IR through a close textual analysis of narrative structure that illustrates the significance of labelling and categorizing in identity construction that is easily missed by less fine-grained analyses.

小泉時期全力支援美國小布希總統的全球反恐戰爭，透過強化美日同盟，成功提升日本在美日同盟的功能與角色，朝向正常國家之路邁進。小泉每年參拜靖國神社興起了日本的民族主義，但也造成了中日關係的惡化，進而加深了日本在加入聯合國安理會常任理事國上的難度，也成為中國大規模反日運動的導火線。在中日關係上，從二戰後就一直存在著歷史上的仇恨問題，以及地緣政治因素，中日兩國在領土紛爭及資源分配等政治經濟的議題上，始終有著既合作又競爭的複雜關係。小泉時期因為911反恐浪潮強化了追隨美國路線，使得美日間友好關係展現了前所未有的高潮，同時也使中日關係產生了前所未有的「政冷經熱」的詭異現象。 本文認為，小泉的追隨美國路線的外交政策或是在推動正常國家政策上，必然會對造成中日關係上的影響，但是在推動正常國家政策上中國的支持又不可或缺，進而日本需要調整對中政策才能達成目標。小泉時期的追隨美國路線，係以什麼基準考量推動對中政策？其對中政策又如何去影響中日關係？中日關係的變化是否又會對日本的對中政策有所改變？值得我們深加研究。 / During the Koizumi administration, Japan's normalized country policies strongly supported George W. Bush's Global War on Terror to increase its role in the U.S.-Japan alliance. In addition, Koizumi also made the formal visit to the Yasukuni Shrine every year and raised Japanese nationalism. Together, these acts have contributed to the deterioration of Sino-Japanese relations, deepened the difficulty of Japan's accession to the United Nations Security Council permanent members, and become the main cause of China's large-scale anti-Japanese movement. Since World War II, Sino-Japanese relations have been characterized by historical hatred and geopolitical factors. In territorial disputes, resource allocation, and other political and economic issues, China and Japan always have a complex relationship with both cooperation and competition. During the Koizumi period, Japan's pro-American policy was strengthened due to the wave of anti-terrorism following 911, which lead to an unprecedented climax in U.S.-Japan friendship. Meanwhile, Sino-Japanese relations experienced an unprecedented and strong phenomenon of "Cold Politics-Hot Economics." Koizumi's pro-American foreign policy or Normalization policy has significantly influenced Sino-Japanese relations. To promote normalization, however, China's support is also indispensable to Japan. Thus, Japan needs to adjust its policy to achieve its goals. This research explores the basis through which the Koizumi administration evaluate its China policy under a pro-American foreign policy guideline. How Japan's China policy influences Sino-Japanese relations and whether the change in Sino-Japanese relations will then change Japan's China policy are also worth our further discussions.