Balochistan and Nationalism discusses a divided region in South Asia and their ideas of nationalism. Balochistan is divided among three neighboring countries; Iran, Pakistan, and Afghanistan. Each Balochi region within each country still maintains a sense of Balochi nationalism however with somewhat different ideals from one another. This paper discusses the history of the region and the people, and identifies in each region how their approach in the fight for self-determination developed and each region’s desired endstate. / text

This dissertation is a case study in nationalism. It examines the theoretical writings on the subject and concludes that nationalism is the sense of identity shared by a group of people who are linked by either a civic-territorial or by a linguistic-ethnic bond and by the belief that their corporate interests can best be protected by control of their own state. The central theme of the dissertation revolves around two basic questions: 1. Is there a Baloch nationality with a sufficiently developed national consciousness and distinctive characteristics shared by the members of this nationality? 2. If so, is the national consciousness of the Baloch, their determination to maintain their national identity, and their desire for political self-government, strong enough to say that there is a Baloch national movement. The dissertation serves several purposes. It fills a gap in our knowledge of Baloch nationalism in Pakistan and Iran and explores in detail its development in the 1920-80 period. By adopting a comparative approach it contributes to a better understanding of sub-national movements in both countries. The main approach to the study is historical; using primary and secondary sources, it describes and analyses the foundations, evolution, dynamics and implications of Baloch nationalism.

The Iranian region of Balochistan is located in southeastern Iran and the majority of its population are Balochs who have a distinct ethnoreligious and cultural identity. The Balochs are Sunni Muslims and have been systematically marginalized in a predominantly Shia country since the 1979 Islamic Revolution. In 2003, organized violence commenced in the region as the Iranian central government retaliated against Baloch paramilitary forces with even more violence. As a result, a cycle of direct and structural violence continues to affect the region to this very day. This thesis is a qualitative study that explores scholars and other experts’ perceptions and images of some of the causes behind the eruption and escalation of both physical and structural violence in Balochistan. It also examines how these experts perceive the construction of “the other” by the Iranian government who is contributing to this unending cycle of destructive conflict. / October 2015

Le peuplement ancien des régions allant de l’Iran à l’Inde en passant par l’Afghanistan et le Turkménistan est connu majoritairement par des échanges transrégionaux existant probablement dès le Néolithique. Du point de vue funéraire, les éléments accompagnant le défunt sont parmi les plus étudiés. En revanche, il est bien souvent peu fait état de leur contexte, à savoir la tombe et le défunt auquel ce mobilier était dédié. C’est en partant de ces constats qu’il est apparu intéressant d’enquêter sur ces peuplements anciens. À partir d’une étude approfondie des sépultures, cette étude se propose de reconstruire les programmes funéraires qui ont encadré les différentes pratiques mortuaires. Dans un second temps, nous avons cherché à souligner les traits funéraires communs de ces populations ainsi que les divergences. Sur l’ensemble du Balochistan pakistanais, seuls quatre sites ont livré des sépultures attribuables à la période Chalcolithique. Les sites de Miri Qalat et Shahi‐Tump ont livré plus de 200 individus répartis sur deux périodes pour le IVe millénaire. Sur le site de Sohr Damb, à Nal, un total d’une centaine d’individus sont dénombrés pour deux périodes situées au IVe et tout début du IIIe millénaire. Ces trois sites aux données inédites sont le cœur de cette étude. Nous avons rapproché nos conclusions des publications effectuées pour le site de Mehrgarh, où deux ensembles funéraires ont été étudiés, ainsi que des données publiées pour les pays limitrophes. / The old settlements of the areas extending from Iran to India including Afghanistan and Turkmenistanare mainly known through transregional exchanges existing probably as early as Neolithic. From the funerarypoint of view, grave goods are among the most studied items. On the other hand, there is often little mentionof their context, namely the tomb and the deceased to whom those grave goods were dedicated. It was fromthese observations that it became interesting to work on these ancient stands. Based on an in‐depth study ofburials, this work proposes to reconstruct the funeral programs that have framed the various mortuarypractices. In a second step, we sought to highlight the common funeral traits of these populations as well asthe differences. On the whole of the Pakistani Balochistan, only four sites yielded tombs related to theChalcolithic period. The sites of Miri Qalat and Shahi‐Tump, have delivered over 200 individuals spread overtwo periods for the fourth millennium. At the Sohr Damb site, in Nal, about 100 individuals are counted for twoperiods in the fourth and early third millennium. These three sites with unpublished data are the heart of thisstudy. We have compared our findings with publications for the Mehrgarh site, where two cemeteries werestudied, as well as published data for neighboring areas.

The purpose of the study was to evaluate Pakistan's national history curriculum in the post 18th constitutional amendment scenario. The amendment bequeathed the responsibility of education, including curriculum development, to the provinces. This study sought input from educators on ways the national curriculum currently addresses local needs and requirements as well as considerations for any potential changes or improvements. Traditionally, history curriculum has been used mainly for social identity formation and ideological indoctrination; current scholarship on history education has now also included national identity formation. Additionally, scholarship has begun to analyze possible purposes behind social identity formation, whether used negatively or positively. This study, which took place in Balochistan, Pakistan, used a qualitative case study approach. A provincial level conference was convened as a context and data source that involved 28 educators including teachers, teacher educators, curriculum experts, and policy actors as participants in the study. The texts of five representative educators engaged in the conference dialogue was selected for analysis. Discourse analysis was the methodology used to arrive at findings of the study. The study yielded several interesting findings that give insight about the national history curriculum of Pakistan and future curriculum practices of the Balochistan province. According to the selected educators, the national history curriculum of Pakistan has been unidimensional, based on Islamic ideology that embraces a religious national identity. The selected educators argued that the curriculum is unwelcoming to diversity, does not promote peace and equity, conceals truth, and hinders critical thinking. They found the national history curriculum non-representative of the local context of Balochistan province. In light of these findings, the selected educators proposed a history curriculum for Balochistan province that promotes peace, tolerance, equity, and respect for diversity, truth, and critical thinking. The participating educators saw a provincial/local focus as addressing many limitations of the national curriculum that are also addressed by curriculum literature, although not necessarily from this perspective. The study contributes to curriculum theory in general and curriculum evaluation in particular. The study finds its place in the larger debates on how history education influences individual and group identities.

Field experiments were conducted to investigate the seed attributes, movements and fates of dispersal units, and seedling establishment of Chrysopogon aucheri and Cymbopogon jwarancusa in a representative grassland ecosystem in upland Balochistan, Pakistan. Cymbopogon jwarancusa had more filled and viable caryopses than Chrysopogon aucheri. Seeds (spikelets) of both species had similar morphological features. Chrysopogon aucheri had one dispersal unit, a triplet spikelet. Cymbopogon jwarancusa had four types of dispersal units: a paired spikelet, a partial raceme, an entire raceme, and a partial inflorescence comprised of two racemes. Paired spikelets and partial racemes of Cymbopogon jwarancusa had greater mean dispersal distances (94 and 101 cm) from the edge of the basal crown of marked plants to the ground surface than triplet spikelets of Chrysopogon aucheri (79 cm). Spikelets of Cymbopogon jwarancusa and Chrysopogon aucheri moved mean distances of 26 and 32 cm, respectively, on the ground surface before becoming trapped in a microhabitat. The mean angle of dispersal for both species was toward the northeast, according to the prevailing wind direction. An ant (Tica verona) was the only detected seed (spikelet) predator for Chrysopogon aucheri. Both species had a weakly persistent soil seed bank, with higher amounts of seeds found under plant canopies compared to open interspaces. The recruitment of Chrysopogon aucheri and Cymbopogon jwarancusa seedlings from the natural seed bank was monitored in seven different microhabitats under natural and above-normal precipitation regimes . Above-normal precipitation increased seedling recruitment for both species in all microhabitats. Cymbopogon jwarancusa had higher seedling densities than Chrysopogon auchfiri. Seedling survival and tiller development for both species were greatest in the gravel microhabitat in the natural precipitation treatment. Monsoon rains in late July enhanced emergence of both species from recently dispersed seeds but emerged seedlings did not survive to the end of the growing season. The field studies indicate that Cymbopogon jwarancusa has a greater regeneration potential than Chrysopogon aucheri in this grassland ecosystem in upland Balochistan. It may be difficult to increase the composition of Chrysopogon aucheri, the more desirable species in these grasslands, when using management techniques that rely on natural regeneration .

This dissertation seeks to understand the ways in which Pakistani government’s attempts to initiate large-scale infrastructure development projects in Balochistan Province have transformed its social and political landscape. Ethnographically, the study focuses on Gwadar, a small coastal town in Pakistan’s western Balochistan Province to show how colonial and postcolonial projects of progress and development suppress or subsume other kinds of lived geographies and imaginations of place. Keeping in mind the centrality of everyday experiences in generating social forms, this dissertation describes how development, transnationalism, and ethnic identity are (re)configured. It is based on ethnographic encounters that foreground the lived experiences and imaginations of fishermen from Med kinship and occupational group who occupy a subaltern position within the local status hierarchy in Gwadar. On the one hand, the promise of becoming modern citizens of the future mega city incites new desires and longings among those fishermen that facilitate their incorporation into emergent regimes of labor and entrepreneurship. On the other hand, Pakistani security forces have tightened their control over the local population by establishing a cordon sanitaire around Gwadar Port and the town. These mechanisms of control have disrupted local fishermen`s experiences of place and intimate sociality and introduced elements of exclusion, fear, and paranoia. By interrupting the fishermen`s expectations of their rightful place in the city, it compels them to think of alternate ways to confront the state’s development agenda, including peaceful protest and armed struggle. The dissertation concludes, tentatively, that the imposition of political violence by state authorities that accompanies the structural violence of mega infrastructure projects tends to create a mirror effect whereby the victims of development adopt a language of violence and a different idiom of identity. / text

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Les Baloutches sont un groupe ethnique résidant en Asie du Sud-central. Baloutchistan ou, à défaut, le Baloutchistan (qui signifie terre des Baloutches), est un territoire historique qui s'étend du sud-est de l‘Iran et sud de l'Afghanistan au sud-ouest du Pakistan. Le Baloutchistan historique est connu comme le Grand Baloutchistan. Le Grand Baloutchistan est aujourd'hui réparti entre trois pays: l'ouest du Pakistan, sud de l'Iran et le sud-ouest d‘Afghanistan. Les Baloutches sont donc principalement concentrés dans ces territoires. Cependant, il existe une population baloutche importante dispersée dans les Eats arabes du golfe Persique (comme l‘Oman, l‘Émirats arabes unis, etc), en Afrique comme ailleurs en Asie, ainsi qu’une petite diaspora en Europe, en Australie et aux Etats unis. Le nombre total des Baloutches dans les régions mentionnés est estimée entre 10 et 15 millions. Les frontières du Grand Baloutchistan d‘aujourd'hui sont le résultat d'une répartition territoriale officielle entre l'Afghanistan, l'Iran et l'Inde (Pakistan d‘aujourd‘hui) qui a eu lieu vers l‘année 1870. "Bien qu‘apparemment insignifiante dans le contexte de toutes les crises régionales et internationales qui affectent notre monde, le Baloutchistan est, en fait, un espace de liaison: le point à partir duquel les intérêts stratégiques diamétralement opposés convergent" (Draitser, 2012). En ce qui concerne la terminologie, l'utilisation du nom du Baloutchistan, il est utile de prendre en compte le fait que le Baloutche en persan signifie la crête de coq, et puisque les troupes baloutches qui ont combattu pour Astyages de Kai Khosrow en 585-550 BC portaient des casques avec une crête de coq, c'est pourquoi on a leur donnée le nom de « Baloutche ». Dans la liste des guerriers de Kai Khosrow de l'empire d‘achéménide, Ferdowsi a mentionné le baloutche dans le Shâh Nâmeh (Le Livre des Rois) sous l'autorité du général Ashkash (Dashti, 2012). Toutefois, la période pendant laquelle le nom du Baloutchistan ou Baloutchistan est entré dans l‘usage général n'est pas claire, mais elle peut être attribuée à la 12ème/18ème siècle qui a vu Nasir Khan I de Kalat devenir "le premier dirigeant indigène d'établir une autorité autonome sur une grande partie de la région" (Encyclopédie Iranica, 2014). Malgré qu'il n'y ait pas de consensus parmi les scientistes, l'histoire Baloutches et l'origine des Baloutches peuvent probablement être attribués à de pastorales nomades, des tribus indo -Iraniennes qui se sont installés dans le nord-ouest de la région iranienne Balashakan, étant eux- mêmes, les descendants des Aryens descendus au sud de l'Asie centrale il y a environ trois mille ans. Ces tribus indo-Iraniennes sont aujourd’hui connues sous le nom de Balashchik. Le Balashchik deviendrait connu sous le nom des baloutches, des siècles plus tard, quand ils ont migré du nord-ouest de l‘Iran au sud et de la périphérie orientale du plateau iranien, une région qui allait devenir Baloutchistan. Dans cette région du Baloutchistan, les Baloutches ont établi un nation-état indépendant ou semi-indépendant qui durerait environ trois cent ans (Dashti, 2012). Le Balûchistân attirerait les Britanniques dans la première moitié du 19ème siècle comme une voie stratégique pour sécuriser les routes commerciales vers l'Orient, et comme un tremplin vers l'Afghanistan contre les Russes pendant la Première Guerre afghane (1839-1842). Le Raj britannique continuait à statuer et d'administrer la région du Baloutchistan par les traités de 1841 et 1854 avec le Khan (souverain) de Kalat (la capitale du khanat de Kalat, qui était un état princier dominant une grande partie du Grand Baloutchistan). Le traité de 1876 assurerait l'indépendance et la souveraineté de Kalat, dès le départ des Britanniques de la région. Vers la fin du 19ème siècle, un certain nombre de processus de démarcation du Baloutchistan a eu lieu, la plupart du temps pour apaiser l'Iran. (...) / The Baluch are an ethnic group residing in south-central Asia. Baluchistan or, alternatively, Balochistan (meaning land of the Baluch), is a historic territory that stretched from southeastern Iran and southern Afghanistan to southwestern Pakistan. Historic Baluchistan is known as Greater Baluchistan. Greater Baluchistan is today divided into the boundaries of three countries: western Pakistan, southern Iran, and southwestern Afghanistan. The Baluch are therefore concentrated within these territories. However, there is a large Baluch population dispersed in the Persian Gulf States, and a small diaspora in Europe. Although there is no consensus among scholars, Baluch history and the origin of the Baluch can most likely be traced to pastoralist-nomadic, Indo-Iranic tribes that settled in northwestern Iranian region of Balashakan, having, themselves, descended from the Aryans who had moved south from Central Asia around three thousand years ago. These Indo-Iranic tribes became known as the Balashchik. The Balashchik would become known as the Baloch centuries later when they migrated from northwestern Iran to the south and eastern fringes of the Iranian plateau, a region that would become known as Balochistan or Baluchistan. Within this region of Baluchistan the Baluch established an independent or semi-independent nation-state that would last for approximately three hundred years (Naseer Dashti, 2012). Baluchistan would attract the British in the first half of the 19th century as a strategic pathway to secure trade routes to the East, and as a launching pad into Afghanistan against the Russians during the First Afghan War (1839-1842), The British Raj would go on to rule and administer the region of Baluchistan through the treaties of 1841 and 1854 with the Khan (ruler) of Kalat (the capital of the Khanate of Kalat, which was then a princely state controlling much of Greater Baluchistan). The Treaty of 1876 would assure independence and sovereignty for Kalat. Upon the departure of the British from the region. Late in the 19th century a number of demarcation processes of Baluchistan took place, mostly to appease Iran, then Persia. A dispute over claims to Sistan by both Iran and Afghanistan finally saw the division of the territory of Baluchistan in two, between Iran and Afghanistan, in 1904 by the British Commissioner, Sir McMahon. The Khan of Kalat would declare independence on 15 August 1947. The Khan also established an interim constitution that provided for a bicameral parliament. This period of independence lasted from 15 August 1947 to 27 March 1948. After a brief rebellion by the Baluch in Western Baluchistan against Persian rule, Western Baluchistan, or Iranian Baluchistan would finally be incorporated into Iran in 1928. The assimilation of Baluchistan into Pakistan following the 1947 partition of India, and subsequently the creation of Pakistan, was forceful, since the then Khan of Kalate, Mir Ahmed Yar Khan, refused to join Pakistan, and military force had to be used to placate the resistant Baluch, under the leadership of Mir Ahmed Yar Khan. The Baluch of Pakistan, therefore, consider Baluchistan occupied territory. The Khanate of Kalat ceased to exist on 14 October 1955 when the province of West Pakistan was formed. Since their forced accession into Pakistan up to the present, the Baluch have been subjugated to discriminatory policies that have assured their impoverished status. (...)

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