Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1972. / Vita. Typescript. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references.

No description available.

Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Middle East, South Asia, Sub-Saharan))--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2010. / Thesis Advisor(s): Kapur, S. Paul ; Khan, Feroz Hassan. "March 2010." Description based on title screen as viewed on April 21, 2010. Author(s) subject terms: Baloch, Baluch, Balochi, Baluchi, Balochistan, Baluchistan, Pakistan, Islamabad, Insurgency, Afghanistan, India. Includes bibliographical references (p. 81-86). Also available in print.

1. The aim of the thesis is threefold: i) to present a fully dynamic analysis of leadership among the Baluch in the Persian Province of Baluchistan, ii) to illustrate the sociological distinction (or lack of it) between sacré and profane on different planes in the society, iii) to make some advance in the theoretical treatment of personality as a sociological factor in leadership. 2. The Baluch in general form a linguistic and sub-cultural unit within the broader cultural context of Eastern or Iranian Islam. The Persian Province of Baluchistan, which is roughly coterminous with the area of Persia where the Baluch form the majority of the population, is an isolated area which presents great extremes of altitude, climate and fertility. Natural conditions break the society down into small communities (whether settled or nomadic), and force it into dependence on a combination of agriculture and pastoralism in varying proportions. In almost every aspect of the material culture utter simplicity and dependence on the environment is evident. However, complex patterns of movement and other sociological factors keep all communities and classes constantly in touch with each other, and counteract the fragmenting effect of the the environment. Baluch society within the Province consists of: i) Balush - who are predominantly nomadic, ii) shahri - who are generally peasants, iii) ghulāms - who until recently were slaves, and iv) a superstructure of dynastic families, for which however there is no native term. From the point of view of leadership, there are also four role-statuses: i) kamāsh - who may be secular or religious, ii) maulawi - who is religious, iii) darwish - who is also religious, and iv) "chief" - who is secular, and for which there is no really equivalent native term. Political aspirations invariably function through one or other of these role-statuses, which however cannot be said to form a structure. A chief must be a member of a dynastic family, and is a leader by definition. Holders of the other three role-statuses are only potentially leaders: they may or may not lead in fact. The chief is generally but not necessarily more powerful than holders of the other role-statuses. Every man inherits a tribal name agnatically, and the word for tribe (zāt) is best translated as "birth status". However, the zāt of a man's mother is also an important factor in determining his status. He may only improve his status within limits by his own achievements. There are also institutionalised forms of behaviour for particular occasions and situations, and there is a "formal" religion - Islam. Beyond these factors there is no institutionalisation in the society, and so there is practically no specifically political institutionalisation at all. Furthermore, the terms for the three role-statuses which are named in the society are all of alien origin. 3. This situation makes it impossible to understand and analyse realistically the present framework of political conceptions in the society without taking cognisance both of the history of these conceptions and of comparative material from neighbouring societies, for all of these conceptions have at least archaistic aspects, and in some respects contact with the semantic origin of the term still conditions its use within the society. In general, a zāt represents a group of immigrants to the Province. The people who brought the name "Baluch" and the Baluchi language into the Province appear to have arrived there in the 11th century. There is evidence that agriculture flourished in the Province before the Baluch came, but we know nothing of any pastoral life there before them. The names of the main agricultural settlements were the same before the Baluch came as they are now. There are no other pre-Baluch names in the Province. On the basis of the historical and comparative data available a theoretical model is constructed to demonstrate the synchronic and diachronic contexts of the present situation. This model is particularly relevant to the study of: i) relationships between settled and nomadic and the mixture of various ethnic, cultural, and linguistic groups; ii) the ways in which social stratification may result from such mixtures; iii) how certain political relationships - particularly the feudal relationship - may develop in these circumstances, and, iv) how the constellation and importance of kin and affinal relationships may be affected. 4. The kinship terminology is simple and cognatic. There are strong ties between brother and sister, and between cousins. Brothers and sisters generally inherit equal shares of land, except that the eldest son may be given an extra share. Livestock is gnerally inherited by sons only. Landownership is only of secondary importance to leadership. Marriage preference (for first or only wives) is for "cousins", and the bride-price is high and not affected by the choice of a father's brother's daughter. Some communities and classes are generally monogamous, others generally polygymous, and it is possible to discern a difference in the function and conception of marriage in the two cases. Matri- and patri-locality is better interpreted in terms of the fact that solidary political groupings (formed by marriage or allegiance) are generally more important sociologically than geographical and seological groupings. Among the nomadic Baluch a corollary of the orientation towards kinship, tribal affiliation, etc., is the instability of the individual camp. Marriage and inheritance practices reinforce "class" identity - particularly in the dynastic families where this identity is most important. Similarly, because of these practices, members of dynastic families acquire ownership interests in widely scattered pieces of land, and are therefore encouraged to move about continually. 5. The dynastic families form a superstructure. The chief is generally the paramount leader in a certain area, and has a certain vaguely defined "people". There are communities and areas without chiefs. Holders of the other role-statuses may also function as paramount leaders. Any leader automatically qualifies for one or other of the traditional role-statuses. This essay is concerned primarily with the chief who is seen (by the Baluch) as the most typical form of paramount leader but for whom nevertheless there is no native term. The main functions of the leader are to provide social control and initiative, but he also personifies the prestige of the community. A chief (or other leader) rules generally through kenash, who form the basic political denominators of the society. Neither is directly chosen or elected by the other. The extent of a leader's power depends basically on two factors: i) his "ecological" situation, i.e. parentage, alliance, etc. ii) his "personality", of which the first is little use without the latter, but the latter is to a large extent confirmed by the former. A certain quality attaches to this personality of the leader - particularly in the case of the chief - who has affinities with Weber's "charisma". In the Baluch Period (before 1928), where possible a chief operated from a fort in an agricultural centre, and generally either owed (informal) allegiances to a senior chief, or was owed allegiances by another chief or chiefs. He was traditionally entitled to a tithe on the produce of the land he controlled (apart from his major share of the produce from the land he owned), and service from the pastoralists. In addition to this in many cases he also collected a tax (in origin nourped from the Persian Government) from all sections of the population.

Thesis--University of Wisconsin. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 183-195).

Les Baloutches sont un groupe ethnique résidant en Asie du Sud-central. Baloutchistan ou, à défaut, le Baloutchistan (qui signifie terre des Baloutches), est un territoire historique qui s'étend du sud-est de l‘Iran et sud de l'Afghanistan au sud-ouest du Pakistan. Le Baloutchistan historique est connu comme le Grand Baloutchistan. Le Grand Baloutchistan est aujourd'hui réparti entre trois pays: l'ouest du Pakistan, sud de l'Iran et le sud-ouest d‘Afghanistan. Les Baloutches sont donc principalement concentrés dans ces territoires. Cependant, il existe une population baloutche importante dispersée dans les Eats arabes du golfe Persique (comme l‘Oman, l‘Émirats arabes unis, etc), en Afrique comme ailleurs en Asie, ainsi qu’une petite diaspora en Europe, en Australie et aux Etats unis. Le nombre total des Baloutches dans les régions mentionnés est estimée entre 10 et 15 millions. Les frontières du Grand Baloutchistan d‘aujourd'hui sont le résultat d'une répartition territoriale officielle entre l'Afghanistan, l'Iran et l'Inde (Pakistan d‘aujourd‘hui) qui a eu lieu vers l‘année 1870. "Bien qu‘apparemment insignifiante dans le contexte de toutes les crises régionales et internationales qui affectent notre monde, le Baloutchistan est, en fait, un espace de liaison: le point à partir duquel les intérêts stratégiques diamétralement opposés convergent" (Draitser, 2012). En ce qui concerne la terminologie, l'utilisation du nom du Baloutchistan, il est utile de prendre en compte le fait que le Baloutche en persan signifie la crête de coq, et puisque les troupes baloutches qui ont combattu pour Astyages de Kai Khosrow en 585-550 BC portaient des casques avec une crête de coq, c'est pourquoi on a leur donnée le nom de « Baloutche ». Dans la liste des guerriers de Kai Khosrow de l'empire d‘achéménide, Ferdowsi a mentionné le baloutche dans le Shâh Nâmeh (Le Livre des Rois) sous l'autorité du général Ashkash (Dashti, 2012). Toutefois, la période pendant laquelle le nom du Baloutchistan ou Baloutchistan est entré dans l‘usage général n'est pas claire, mais elle peut être attribuée à la 12ème/18ème siècle qui a vu Nasir Khan I de Kalat devenir "le premier dirigeant indigène d'établir une autorité autonome sur une grande partie de la région" (Encyclopédie Iranica, 2014). Malgré qu'il n'y ait pas de consensus parmi les scientistes, l'histoire Baloutches et l'origine des Baloutches peuvent probablement être attribués à de pastorales nomades, des tribus indo -Iraniennes qui se sont installés dans le nord-ouest de la région iranienne Balashakan, étant eux- mêmes, les descendants des Aryens descendus au sud de l'Asie centrale il y a environ trois mille ans. Ces tribus indo-Iraniennes sont aujourd’hui connues sous le nom de Balashchik. Le Balashchik deviendrait connu sous le nom des baloutches, des siècles plus tard, quand ils ont migré du nord-ouest de l‘Iran au sud et de la périphérie orientale du plateau iranien, une région qui allait devenir Baloutchistan. Dans cette région du Baloutchistan, les Baloutches ont établi un nation-état indépendant ou semi-indépendant qui durerait environ trois cent ans (Dashti, 2012). Le Balûchistân attirerait les Britanniques dans la première moitié du 19ème siècle comme une voie stratégique pour sécuriser les routes commerciales vers l'Orient, et comme un tremplin vers l'Afghanistan contre les Russes pendant la Première Guerre afghane (1839-1842). Le Raj britannique continuait à statuer et d'administrer la région du Baloutchistan par les traités de 1841 et 1854 avec le Khan (souverain) de Kalat (la capitale du khanat de Kalat, qui était un état princier dominant une grande partie du Grand Baloutchistan). Le traité de 1876 assurerait l'indépendance et la souveraineté de Kalat, dès le départ des Britanniques de la région. Vers la fin du 19ème siècle, un certain nombre de processus de démarcation du Baloutchistan a eu lieu, la plupart du temps pour apaiser l'Iran. (...) / The Baluch are an ethnic group residing in south-central Asia. Baluchistan or, alternatively, Balochistan (meaning land of the Baluch), is a historic territory that stretched from southeastern Iran and southern Afghanistan to southwestern Pakistan. Historic Baluchistan is known as Greater Baluchistan. Greater Baluchistan is today divided into the boundaries of three countries: western Pakistan, southern Iran, and southwestern Afghanistan. The Baluch are therefore concentrated within these territories. However, there is a large Baluch population dispersed in the Persian Gulf States, and a small diaspora in Europe. Although there is no consensus among scholars, Baluch history and the origin of the Baluch can most likely be traced to pastoralist-nomadic, Indo-Iranic tribes that settled in northwestern Iranian region of Balashakan, having, themselves, descended from the Aryans who had moved south from Central Asia around three thousand years ago. These Indo-Iranic tribes became known as the Balashchik. The Balashchik would become known as the Baloch centuries later when they migrated from northwestern Iran to the south and eastern fringes of the Iranian plateau, a region that would become known as Balochistan or Baluchistan. Within this region of Baluchistan the Baluch established an independent or semi-independent nation-state that would last for approximately three hundred years (Naseer Dashti, 2012). Baluchistan would attract the British in the first half of the 19th century as a strategic pathway to secure trade routes to the East, and as a launching pad into Afghanistan against the Russians during the First Afghan War (1839-1842), The British Raj would go on to rule and administer the region of Baluchistan through the treaties of 1841 and 1854 with the Khan (ruler) of Kalat (the capital of the Khanate of Kalat, which was then a princely state controlling much of Greater Baluchistan). The Treaty of 1876 would assure independence and sovereignty for Kalat. Upon the departure of the British from the region. Late in the 19th century a number of demarcation processes of Baluchistan took place, mostly to appease Iran, then Persia. A dispute over claims to Sistan by both Iran and Afghanistan finally saw the division of the territory of Baluchistan in two, between Iran and Afghanistan, in 1904 by the British Commissioner, Sir McMahon. The Khan of Kalat would declare independence on 15 August 1947. The Khan also established an interim constitution that provided for a bicameral parliament. This period of independence lasted from 15 August 1947 to 27 March 1948. After a brief rebellion by the Baluch in Western Baluchistan against Persian rule, Western Baluchistan, or Iranian Baluchistan would finally be incorporated into Iran in 1928. The assimilation of Baluchistan into Pakistan following the 1947 partition of India, and subsequently the creation of Pakistan, was forceful, since the then Khan of Kalate, Mir Ahmed Yar Khan, refused to join Pakistan, and military force had to be used to placate the resistant Baluch, under the leadership of Mir Ahmed Yar Khan. The Baluch of Pakistan, therefore, consider Baluchistan occupied territory. The Khanate of Kalat ceased to exist on 14 October 1955 when the province of West Pakistan was formed. Since their forced accession into Pakistan up to the present, the Baluch have been subjugated to discriminatory policies that have assured their impoverished status. (...)

Controlled environment experiments were designed to study the germination, seedling development, and defoliation responses of Chrysopogon aucheri and Cymbopogon jwarancusa to better understand their xv autecology and potential use in range improvement programs in Baluchistan. In experiment 1, Cymbopogon jwarancusa had greater seed fill and viability than Chrysopogon aucheri. When incubated at six different alternating temperature regimes, seeds of Cymbopogon jwarancusa had greater cumulative germination at five temperature regimes and faster germination at the colder temperature regimes than Chrysopogon aucheri. In experiment 2, seedling shoot and root development was characterized at 15-day intervals over a 60-day period. Seedlings of both species had a "panicoid'' type seedling morphology. Chrysopogon aucheri and Cymbopogon �warancusa developed comparable numbers of leaves and tillers per plant during the 60-day period. Chrysopogon aucheri had a greater number, length, and dry weight of primary and seminal roots than Cymbopogon jwarancusa at 30 and 60 days, respectively. Adventitious root length was also higher for Chrysopogon aucheri than Cymbopogon jwarancusa at 60 days. Seedlings of both species had similar shoot:root ratios and relative growth rates. In experiment 3, seedlings of both species were planted in rnonocultures and in a 50:50 mixtures. Defoliation treatments, implemented 32 weeks after emergence, included: equally clipping all plants of both species zero, one, two, or three times (at 4-week intervals) in monoculture and mixture; and clipping one species zero, one, two, or three times (at 4-week intervals) without clipping the associated species in mixture. Both species remained vegetative and did not differ in leaf and tiller development until about 32 weeks after emergence. During later growth, Chrysopogon aucheri reproduced while Cymbopogon jwarancusa remained vegetative. cymbopogon jwarancusa produced more tillers on control plants and defoliated plants (mainly in monoculture). At lower frequencies of defoliation Chrysopogon aucheri produced more shoot and root biomass than Cymbopogon jwarancusa (mainly in mixture). In 50:50 mixtures when one species was defoliated and the other not, both species were comparable in shoot dry weight; however, Chrysopopgon aucheri was superior to Cymbopogon jwarancusa in root dry weight at all defoliation regimes. The initial standing crop and subsequent regrowth of Chrysopogon aucheri were comparable or higher in crude protein and digestibility than Cymbopogon jwarancusa.