Beskrivning och analys av ett effektiviseringsprojekt på Sanminas fabrik i Örnsköldsvik. Projektet ska effektivisera BoM-hanteringsprocessen primärt genom tre förändringar. 1: Införa en BoM istället för flera. 2: Datorstöd istället för manuell hante-ring. 3: En konform hantering för alla projekt. Analysen av projektet grundas påLean-principer. Centrala begrepp som Lean och BoM beskrivs. En kvalitativ studiegenomförs med en fokusgrupp bestående av komponentingenjörer. Resultatet fråndenna ligger till grund för analysen. Ny metodik tolkas som effektivare än gammalmetodik på alla tre relevanta punkter. Ny metodik löser dock inte alla de bristersom finns i den gamla processen. Detta då de verktyg avsedda för interna processerinte har större inverkan på externa problem. Förändringarna tolkas som ett steg moten mer Lean BoM-hanteringsprocess. Fullständig analys kommer kunna genomförasnär ny metodik är implementerad. Diskussion kring tolkning av data och osäkerhet i analys av densamma. Detta då datan är kvalitativ.

New Jersey's high school teachers have many responsibilities to their students: they must educate them, work to mold their strength of character, and protect them from harming each other. The Anti-Bullying Bill of Rights Act (ABR), legally fortified these goals by protecting students from harassment, intimidation, and bullying (HIB), at the state level. Previous research has indicated that incident rates for these negative behaviors are growing globally. This reality has driven the need for intervention and prevention programming; however, few instances of successful implementation exist. An important gap remains in the current literature, as there is still a need to understand the teachers' perceptions of their role as the frontline defenders of anti-bullying policies. The primary area of focus for this qualitative study was on the challenges and supports encountered by teachers responsible for implementing their high school's anti-bullying program. Information was gathered using a phenomenological design through semi-structured, one-on-one interviews of 12 high school educators from three unique school districts. Lived experiences were interpreted using Espelage and Swearer's social-ecological system framework and Darley and Latané's bystander theory framework. The findings from this study gave voice to those responsible for implementing the ABR. Significant findings included policies that require reactive interactions with students where proactive measures would have been preferred, a lack of top-down communication, and ineffective prevention and intervention program training materials. An impetus for implementing policy change was established, and the potential for social change was welcomed through a move toward proactive measures in the school setting.

<p>The object of the essay was to investigate the argumentation in the bill, the comments from unions and the authorities, among others and the motions concerning the bill. To analysis this argumentation I have been using feminist theory, specifically Carole Lee Bacchis ”What’s the problem”-aproach. I also used Maud Eduards and Diane Sainsbury to complete my theory. They describe men as the norm of the society and women as deviant. The questions I have been investigating in the texts are</p><p>- What’s the problem?</p><p>- Who or what caused the problem?</p><p>- Who or what is responsible for the problem?</p><p>- Who has the responsibility to change the problem?</p><p>- What problem is not mentioned?</p><p>- Are men mentioned as a gender and a group?</p><p>- Are women mentioned as a gender and a group?</p><p>- How are men and women described?</p><p>The investigation found that the problems that was presented in the theory was very mush present in the text that I investigated. Women are seen as passive and as willingness victims of their employers. Men on the other hand are active and are mentioned as the opposite of these women. The results however varied depending on which text was studied, but the main picture remained the same.</p>

<p>The focus of this paper is the right of the visually impaired to access tertiary education that is not unfairly discriminative and unequal. The study is intended to highlight the inadequacy in the current legislation on equality such as the Promotion of Equality and Prevention of Unfair Discrimination Act 4 of 2000 and the Higher Education Act 101 of 1997 in properly promoting the ideals and purpose of constitution. Furthermore to analyse the constitutional court's approach to equality and non discrimination in order to provide solutions and recommendations for changes to existing legislation that is indeed to be effective.It also aim to define what it means to have equality for the visually impaired, more especially in tertiary education through the constitutional court's definition of equality...</p>

Under 12 arbetsveckor har vi i projektgruppen producerat en dokumentärfilm för en extern kund, Svenska Kyrkan. En film med 70 procent samtal och de övriga procenten har fördelat emellan, reportage, miljö och klippbilder. Samarbetet oss mellan oss tre har fungerat bra, med samarbetet med uppdragsgivaren inte fungerat lika önskvärt. Där problem med löften, förseningar i tidsplanen och snabba omstruktureringar tillstötte. Jag har applicerat Bill Nichols modus på mitt verk samt jämfört verk som håller kriterierna för de modus som Nichols beskriver. Jag har kommit fram till att  min dokumentärfilm bestod av tre modus, det observerande, det deltagande och det förklarande, där det sistnämnda dominerar. Det slutgiltiga resultatet blev en 28 minuters lång film som handlar om en stridspilots vardag, tro och han syn på hur livet ska vara. / Mellan Himmel och Jord

Dans ce travail, nous nous intéresserons au processus de. sécurisation de la crise colombienne pendant l'administration de Bill Clinton (1993-2001), notamment en ce qui concerne la politique antinarcotique américaine à l'égard de la Colombie, comme sa principale représentation, dans les années 1990. Par sécurisation, nous entendons le processus par lequel une question commence à être perçue comme une menace existentielle exigeant des mesures extraordinaires (souvent militarisées) afin d'y remédier. Nous avons choisi le cas colombien parce que nous considérons que l'étude de la politique étrangère américaine envers ce pays andin permet de montrer que cette dernière est, d'abord et avant tout, le résultat du processus de sécurisation du narcotrafic amorcé par Ronald Reagan, soit une politique qui se veut prohibitionniste et militariste et qui semblerait exclure toute approche qui en prônerait une vision non militaire. Par la suite, l'analyse du processus de sécurisation du narcotrafic nous amène à considérer l'impact qu'a eu cette approche sur l'identité collective des États-Unis, les aspects sociopolitiques dudit processus à partir de son début, ainsi que le rôle des différents acteurs et institutions américains dans la formulation et dans l'application, voire la légitimation auprès de l'opinion publique américaine du Plan Colombie à la fin des années 1990. ______________________________________________________________________________ MOTS-CLÉS DE L’AUTEUR : Sécurisation, Guerre antidrogue, Narcotrafic, États-Unis, Plan Colombie.

Ce mémoire s'intéresse à la question du stéréotype autochtone dans l'espace public canadien diffusé à travers les monuments historiques. Divisé en quatre chapitres, ce travail de recherche tente d'abord de comprendre les impacts de ce stéréotype dans la construction identitaire des peuples des Premières Nations. Compte tenu des caractéristiques propres au monument historique, on proposera aussi que la diffusion d’une image biaisée de l'Amérindien dans ces monuments comporte son lot de conséquences et au-delà, sert une idéologie nationale particulière. De plus, selon ce qui est avancé dans ce mémoire, l’exposition du stéréotype dans l'espace public peut restreindre l'accès à celui-ci pour les communautés visées par ces représentations. Ce qui a pourtant motivé la rédaction de ce travail de réalisation de la maîtrise est la conviction que non seulement les stéréotypes peuvent être remis en question, mais aussi, que les frontières symboliques créées dans la sphère publique par ces représentations imaginaires peuvent être franchies dans le but d'en arriver à une meilleure compréhension des différentes identités autochtones du Canada actuel. L'étude de deux artistes autochtones canadiens, Jeff Thomas et Bill Reid, permettra d’aborder deux stratégies de remise en question du stéréotype amérindien présenté dans la sculpture monumentale. À l'aide de quatre notions théoriques (rapatriement visuel, art et espace public, notion d'auteur, lieu de mémoire), il sera possible de voir les apports, mais aussi les limites de ces deux démarches dans cette lutte identitaire à travers l'espace public. En articulant leurs œuvres autour des monuments destinés à créer des points de repère historiques, Reid montre sa volonté de partager la mémoire d'un univers artistique propre à la communauté dont il est issu, tandis que Thomas tente de faire ressortir la complexité au cœur d’une identité autochtone urbaine et actuelle. Leur implication dans la sphère publique est non seulement une façon de démontrer la nécessité de remettre en question certaines représentations amérindiennes pouvant être jugées offensantes, mais c’est aussi un excellent moyen de diffuser une image plus appropriée des différentes identités autochtones qui composent le pays. Deux œuvres seront particulièrement abordées pour défendre ces idées, soit une série de Thomas intitulée What's the Point? qui comprend sept photographies, ainsi qu'une sculpture monumentale de Bill Reid qui a pour titre l'Esprit d'Haida Gwaii, le Canoë de jade que l'on retrouve à l'aéroport international de la ville de Vancouver. ______________________________________________________________________________ MOTS-CLÉS DE L’AUTEUR : stéréotype, monument historique, Autochtone, art public, identité, mémoire

On 1 January 2007 abolished Sweden as one of the last countries in EU the wealth tax. This wealth tax was in Sweden for almost 100 years. As the great debate in the context of tax reform in 1910 was not so much about the introduction of a wealth tax. The discussion was instead on the wealth tax would be proportional or progressive together with the income tax. When the government with and there finance minister, Carl Swartz, presented its government bill, 1910:88, 11 March 1910, the draft regulation on income and wealth tax was said, that now they had finally made a shift in the direct tax to the state. A change had been sought and it would have been great difficulties to be overcome and it would have been deeply entrenched ideas about this tax reform impossible. Despite all the protests from the wealthy in society, so continue this conservative government through reform with the strong support of many conservative politicians who had most to lose from this tax reform. The government also succeeded in compromising with liberals and social democrats that supported the reform. Heavy respondents in Sweden in 1910, as Kammarrätten and Bevillningsutskottet supported almost without any comment the proposal. Thus, Sweden had been given a modern tax system that applies even today more than 100 years later Introduction of the combined income and wealth tax was in continuation a great tax pump in Sweden when the governments needed to find funding for their reforms.

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In 1989, the Tiananmen Square massacre shocked the world. Under the heavy pressure from Congress and the public opinion, the government of the United States, which regarded human rights as one of its most cherished values, was forced to reexamine its relations with the PRC and to pay more attention to the PRC¡¦s human rights issues. However, the Cliton administration chose to de-link the human rights issue from its consideration whether to give the PRC the MFN status. To Beijing, the human rights issue is only a tool in Washington¡¦s foreign policy. China regards human rights as its domestic affairs. It had always questioned Washington¡¦s purpose and motivation to intervene mainland China¡¦s domestic affairs. This thesis studies the factor of human rights in the U.S.-China relations. U.S. Congress used MFN as an annual check about China¡¦s human rights situation. Before 2000, U.S. Congress members had long time questioned the administration that grantee PNTR would lead to the destruction of China¡¦s motivation about human right improvement. The author intends to review the ¡§Human Right Report¡¨ in the period of Cliton¡¦s administration, trade relations, UN human right debate and bills. Besides, the progress of China¡¦s human rights situation will be evaluated in the thesis. Through the review of the human right factor in the Sino-US relations, we can find that how the strategy of human right been used by U.S. government. However, the human right issue still is one of the important factors which could affect the future Sino-US relations.