<p> Under 12 arbetsveckor har vi i projektgruppen producerat en dokumentärfilm för en extern kund, Svenska Kyrkan. En film med 70 procent samtal och de övriga procenten har fördelat emellan, reportage, miljö och klippbilder. Samarbetet oss mellan oss tre har fungerat bra, med samarbetet med uppdragsgivaren inte fungerat lika önskvärt. Där problem med löften, förseningar i tidsplanen och snabba omstruktureringar tillstötte. Jag har applicerat Bill Nichols modus på mitt verk samt jämfört verk som håller kriterierna för de modus som Nichols beskriver. Jag har kommit fram till att  min dokumentärfilm bestod av tre modus, det observerande, det deltagande och det förklarande, där det sistnämnda dominerar. Det slutgiltiga resultatet blev en 28 minuters lång film som handlar om en stridspilots vardag, tro och han syn på hur livet ska vara.</p> / Mellan Himmel och Jord

Univ. of Ulster, Diss. u.d.T.: Leonie G. Murray: United States-United Nations relations during the first Clinton administration, with special reference to Somalia and Rwanda--Coleraine, 2004. / Includes bibliographical references and index.

On April 23, 2010, Arizona Governor Jan Brewer signed Senate Bill 1070 ("Support Our Law Enforcement and Safe Neighborhoods Act") into law. This legislative effort raised questions about how political and legal thought are immersed in talk of citizenship in our present time. While the Supreme Court rejected the majority of this law two years after it was signed, concerns over issues of legality, law enforcement, and citizenship still remain. The main questions posed in this dissertation are the following: How are Latinos portrayed as citizens by media? What types and tones of citizenship are advanced in SB 1070 news coverage? To learn more about citizenship constructions, I analyzed newspaper coverage of SB 1070 by using a critical approach that combines quantitative and rhetorical analyses. I examined the following six newspapers were examined: Los Angeles Times and La Opinión (Los Angeles); Miami Herald and Diario Las Américas (Miami); Arizona Republic and Prensa Hispana (Phoenix). They were reviewed over a six month period, specifically from December 1, 2009, to May 31, 2010. I searched each edition by using physical copies, microfilm, and internet databases, for stories on immigration, Latinos, and citizenship as it related to SB 1070. After these newspapers were collected, a content analysis was conducted followed by a close textual analysis. The data reveals three major findings. The first finding is that both English and Spanish newspapers tend to frame citizenship as legal status. The second finding is that Spanish newspapers require their news consumers to translate between languages (specifically English and Spanish), as well as consider different cultures (American and Latino customs) and diverse politicians (international political figures). The third finding is that Spanish newspapers provide many more photos, especially of protests against this legislative effort. The two main conclusions of this dissertation are (1) that Spanish newspapers require their readers to have a double-consciousness, and (2) that there is value in using more than one kind of methodology. / text

Texas House Bill 790 resulted in the expansion of the newborn screening panel from 7 to 27 disorders. The long-term economic implications of this expansion have not been studied. The objective of this study was to estimate the incremental cost-effectiveness of the expanded newborn screening program compared to the previous standard screening in Texas. A Markov model (for a hypothetical cohort of Texas births in 2007) was constructed to compare life-time costs and QALYs between the expanded newborn screening and pre-expansion newborn screening. Estimates of costs, probabilities of sequelae, and utilities for disorder categories were obtained from Texas statistics, the literature, and expert opinion. A baseline discount rate of 3% was used for both costs and QALYs, with a range of 0% to 5%. Analyses were conducted from a payer's perspective, so only direct medical cost estimates were included. The life-time incremental cost-effectiveness ratio (ICER) for expanded versus pre-expansion screening was about $12,000/QALY. Probabilistic sensitivity analysis using key variables showed that results ranged from about $9,500 to $13,000 /QALY. This range is well below the commonly cited willingness to pay threshold of $50,000/QALY. Therefore, expanded newborn screening results in additional expense to the payer but also improves patient outcomes by preventing avoidable morbidity and mortality. The screened population benefits from greater QALYs as compared to the unscreened population. Overall, expanded newborn screening in Texas was estimated to be a cost-effective option as compared to unexpanded newborn screening. / text

Ojectives of the work. Biodiversity of plant resources, scarce information on bioactive compounds and their properties in many species, including those growing in Lithuania, as well as increasing demand for naturalness of food were the main motivation aspects of the present study.

On legal-philosophical grounds the constitutional protection of socio-economic rights has been the subject of much debate. The question is whether socio-economical rights should be protected by a constitution and, if so, to what extent. In this study a theological-ethical evaluation is done about socio-economical rights and the protection thereof. This is done by examining certain Biblical themes and parts of Scripture of the Old and New Testament. From this investigation it is clear that socioeconomical rights are very important human rights that must be protected as effectively as possible. Several points of view on the constitutional protection of socio-economical rights are investigated and evaluated. These points of view are based on legal-philosophical grounds and argue respectively against the constitutional protection of socioeconomical rights, the protection of socio-economical rights as directive principles and the protection of socio-economical rights as fundamental rights. From this investigation it is clear that in principle the constitutional protection of socioeconomical rights as fundamental rights is the most effective way to protect these rights. The current state of affairs with regard to socio-economical rights in the Constitution of South-Africa is also investigated and evaluated. From this investigation it is clear that the Constitution does protect certain socio-economic rights, but not all of them. The rights to labour, clothing and scientific progress do not occur in the Constitution. In principle the right to labour is a very important socio-economic right and it leads to the realization of other socio-economic rights. The Constitution of South Africa also has several measures in place to ensure the protection of socio-economic rights. In spite of these measures, the socio-economic rights in the Constitution remain little more than rights on paper. There state, private sector, church and each individual will still have to do a lot to ensure the protection of socio-economic rights in South-Africa. / Thesis (M.Th. (Ethics))--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2004.

The role of brain dominance in the maintenance of learner discipline Recent research in especially Education Law has shown that maintaining discipline in South African schools constitutes a problem for many educators. Research over the last few decades has also indicated a strong link between brain dominance and behaviour. The aim of this research was to establish to what extent the brain dominance of learners and educators influence their attitude towards and perceptions of the implementation of schools' codes of conduct and their resulting behaviour in class. Educators' response to indiscipline was studied against the backdrop of the Constitution, and more specifically the Bill of Rights, as well as other legislation pertaining to learner discipline. The findings revealed a strong link between brain dominance and the behaviour and attitudes of learners and. educators regarding school discipline. It is therefore suggested that the code of conduct should be developed with input from learners and educators from all four quadrants of the brain. Where possible, a measure of flexibility should be included in these documents in the form of incentives for good behaviour and by using discretion when implementing the code of conduct. The insight of educators and learners into the implications of brain dominance was also found to be crucial. / Thesis (M.Ed.)--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2006.

Recently, some in the anti-abortion movement have begun to assert that abortion harms women and access to abortion should be restricted or prohibited to protect women’s rights. This paper suggests that woman-protective anti-abortion (“WPA”) arguments could become more recognizable in Canada if other kinds of woman-protective legislation are adopted. In particular, this paper focuses on private member’s Bill C-510, an Act to Prevent Coercion of Pregnant Women to Abort (Roxanne’s Law). This paper suggests that Bill C-510 is problematic because its differential treatment of women reinforces historical stereotypes of motherhood and female vulnerability, the same stereotypes upon which the WPA relies. By reinforcing these same stereotypes, Bill C- 510 creates a climate in which WPA restrictions on access to abortion appear more reasonable. The paper concludes by suggesting that the existing aggravated circumstances sentencing sections in the Criminal Code already provide judges with discretionary powers to deal with offences like coerced abortion.

Recently, some in the anti-abortion movement have begun to assert that abortion harms women and access to abortion should be restricted or prohibited to protect women’s rights. This paper suggests that woman-protective anti-abortion (“WPA”) arguments could become more recognizable in Canada if other kinds of woman-protective legislation are adopted. In particular, this paper focuses on private member’s Bill C-510, an Act to Prevent Coercion of Pregnant Women to Abort (Roxanne’s Law). This paper suggests that Bill C-510 is problematic because its differential treatment of women reinforces historical stereotypes of motherhood and female vulnerability, the same stereotypes upon which the WPA relies. By reinforcing these same stereotypes, Bill C- 510 creates a climate in which WPA restrictions on access to abortion appear more reasonable. The paper concludes by suggesting that the existing aggravated circumstances sentencing sections in the Criminal Code already provide judges with discretionary powers to deal with offences like coerced abortion.

Bill C-31 represents an important piece of policy in the history of Canadian citizenship. It takes its place in a dialog of policy and resistance about who &lsquo;gets in&rsquo; and who is excluded from Canadian citizenship. By critically reading the text of Bill C-31 through other policy texts, academic arguments and research, and activist texts, this analysis elucidates historical connections between relations of capital, immigration, labour, and the criminal justice system. It works from a materialist feminist framework, critical of race, gender, class, and sexual orientation as systems that work through one another in dialectical and historically specific ways. The analysis argues that Bill C-31 is a continuation of relations of capital and that a dialectical conceptualization can yield strategies for a revolutionary praxis that offers hope for the transformation of existing social relations towards new and more humane ways of relating to one another.