Booker T. Washington organized the National Negro Business League (NNBL) in 1900, and it became the largest and most influential black business organization for much of the twentieth century. Enterprising black men and women in the NNBL linked their entrepreneurial activities to a modern, progressive social and political agenda. They relied on discourses of race, nation, and business that were both modern, radical, and progressive and traditional, conservative, and reactionary. The thesis moves beyond prosaic debates about the efficacy of black business and black economic nationalism to consider how black entrepreneurs in the NNBL interacted with the material and cultural dimensions of the political economy. A disconnect often existed between the grand ambitions of the executive leadership and the intrigues of the local league membership. Race and entrepreneurship drew attention to lapses in the rhetoric of progress and change in the New South. Finally, it looks at interracial cooperation and conflict in the NNBL. By privileging blacks' struggles for liberation, the thesis enhances understanding about the many ways blacks struggled to strike a tenable balance between personal agency and structural constraints. / text

In 1945, Black leaders gained political and financial support from the governments of Virginia and the United States to establish the Booker T. Washington Birthplace Memorial at the site of Washington’s birth in Franklin County, Virginia. The Memorial organization undertook public history work that emphasized Washington as a significant figure in United States history and provided needed education services to Black Southerners. In pursuit of their goals staff, of the Memorial navigated the political and social context of Jim Crow Virginia; this thesis discusses how the history of Booker T. Washington was represented during the founding and operation of the Birthplace Memorial (1945-1956), a time of upheaval in Virginian race relations. / M.A. / Memorials are spaces of remembrance which signify the values of the society in which they are constructed. In 1945, a group of Black leaders established a memorial to Booker T. Washington at the site of his birth in Hardy, Virginia. The establishment of this memorial was a remarkable feat in the historical context of its creation. Memorial founders gained support from white elites in the Virginia and federal governments during the Jim Crow Era, a time of legal and social discrimination against African Americans. This thesis explores the work of the public historians at The Booker T. Washington Birthplace Memorial as they gained support for its establishment, developed programming to meet the needs of the local African American community, and represented the history of Booker T. Washington.

Despite the black cowboy's considerable achievement, the history of their lives remains largely uncovered. Most historiographies present a sympathetic picture, but what is missing is the voice of the black cowboys. Using the views and ideologies of Booker T. Washington, black cowboys were able to become self-sufficient men. This thesis will present a comparison and contrast between the historiography and autobiographies of black cowboys. Furthermore, giving black cowboys a voice through the philosophies of Booker T. Washington and presenting an argument on why the stories and histories of black cowboys have only recently been resurrected, largely because popular media in the progressive era did not include their stories.

Contained in this thesis is an annotated edition of the correspondence between the African-American leaders W.E.B. Du Bois and Booker T. Washington. Du Bois and Washington would go on to become rivals, their philosophies of education and racial uplift diverging from one another. Du Bois favored vocal protest and higher education, while Washington preferred a gradual approach of vocational education and economic advancement. However, this correspondence sees them attempting, albeit unsuccessfully, to work together. Covering the decade between 1894 and 1904, the letters touch on a variety of political, social, and educational topics at a crucial time for race relations in America. The differences between the two men that would lead to their split - age, regional origin, education, philosophy - are seen in the correspondence, but so too is a spirit of cooperation. These themes are explored in an introductory essay, while other more specific contextual details are provided in the footnotes accompanying the letters. The many individuals mentioned by Du Bois and Washington are annotated, allowing the reader a fuller understanding of the social world of black activism at the turn of the twentieth century. Narrative material is provided to help bridge the gap between letters, and a timeline detailing the relationship between the two men is also included. While some of these letters have been published before, their presentation as part of an annotated correspondence allows for a greater understanding of this primary source material.

In the early 1900s, African Americans died at higher rates, got sick more often, and had worse health outcomes for almost all diseases when compared to whites. This disparity was due to a combination of racism, discrimination, and segregation. Most blacks could only afford to live in unhealthy conditions and had little or no access to medical professionals. Problematically, poor black health led many whites to think of blacks as being inherently diseased, promoting the segregation and discrimination that contributed to black ill health in the first place. This project examines Negro Health Week (NNHW), which became National Negro Health Week (NNHW), a public health campaign designed by African Americans as a systematic effort to improve their health that lasted between 1915 and 1950. The dissertation reveals the strategies African Americans used to empower themselves to combat ill health and the ways medical ideas became accessible to blacks. The racism of the white medical establishment limited the ability of African Americans to enter the medical profession. The small number of black doctors and nurses meant that NHW had to rely on non-medical professionals to teach health practices. Originally begun as a local campaign in Savannah, Booker T. Washington adopted Negro Health Week as a program to teach formerly enslaved blacks in Tuskegee, Alabama how to live. Working as sharecroppers and living in the small cabins they had inhabited as enslaved people, the majority of blacks lived in squalor. Margaret Murray Washington, who co-founded the National Association of Colored Women in 1896, laid the groundwork for NHW at Tuskegee. During her tenure as Lady Principal of Tuskegee, she created the Tuskegee Woman’s Club and brought together local organizations and women’s clubs to work with women in improving their homes by providing advice on basic hygiene and sanitation that they could implement with little cost. Booker T. Washington coopted the TWC program and brought Monroe Work from Savannah to Tuskegee to head up a more ambitious program which he envisioned expanding throughout the rural South. In 1900 Washington founded the National Negro Business League (NNBL) which included key black business men from throughout the nation, especially the South. The NNBL was instrumental in helping Washington to expand and publicize Negro Health Week. Under the leadership of Booker T. Washington and his successor, Robert Moton, NHW continued to focus on providing advice on basic hygiene and sanitation in one’s home and neighborhood. The emphasis on low-cost individual health practices, such as basic privy sanitation or proper whitewash technique, gave African Americans the ability to take ownership of their health. The Week explained how blacks could improve their health and that of the community even without medical professionals. After Booker T. Washington’s death in 1915, Moton succeeded in getting the support of the national Public Health Service (PHS) and National Negro Health Week came into existence in 1921. The Service’s vast network of health professionals and connections with state and local health departments allowed the campaign to expand out of the South. However, with the involvement of the PHS, the Week began to change. As hygiene practices became more accepted, the Service reframed NNHW to focus on vaccinations and regular physician and dentist visits. As medical professionals became NNHW leaders, the campaign’s message transformed from emphasizing how individuals could improve health on their own to describing how much people needed physicians to obtain good health. Under the PHS, lay people could do little to improve their health. Instead, they had to rely on the medical profession. The PHS used NNHW to reposition the medical establishment as the ultimate arbiter of African American health. Today, there is still a wide racial disparity in participation in, and access to, public health, and indeed in health outcomes in the United States. Understanding the Week can better position scholars and public health officials to understand how race and health intersect and the ramifications of health policies on race relations. / History

En 1903, paraît le magnum opus de William Edward Burghardt Du Bois, The Souls of Black Folk. Ce dernier écrit cet ouvrage en poursuivant trois objectifs. Primo, il souhaite démontrer que Booker T. Washington et ses supporters font fausse route en défendant l’idée selon laquelle les Afro-américains pourront accéder à un avenir meilleur en échangeant leurs droits politiques contre des opportunités économiques. Secundo, Du Bois cherche à faire la lumière sur les talents distinctifs et les grandes réalisations de son peuple afin de convaincre les Blancs que les Noirs ne leur sont pas biologiquement ou moralement inférieurs et, par conséquent, que l’égalité raciale doit être totale et immédiate. Tertio, il veut persuader les Américains de devenir de meilleurs citoyens, en renouant avec les idéaux de leur République et en vivant en fonction de principes moraux élevés. L’écriture de Souls marque un tournant majeur dans la vie intellectuelle de son auteur, car il renonce à cette époque au discours conciliatoire qu’il avait tenu dans sa jeunesse. Les idées qu’il défend dans son livre ont germé quelques années plus tôt, au contact de certains de ses professeurs de l’Université de Berlin, d’Alexander Crummell et surtout, en effectuant une étude de terrain sur la communauté noire de Philadelphie. Du Bois réalise alors l’ampleur des injustices dont sont victimes les Noirs et contre lesquelles la bonne volonté et le travail acharné ne peuvent rien. / William Edward Burghardt Du Bois published The Souls of Black Folk in 1903. Du Bois pursued three different goals when he wrote his masterpiece. First, he argued that Booker T. Washington’s strategy of trading political rights for economic opportunities was not the best way to improve the condition of African Americans. Second, Du Bois highlighted the accomplishments and distinctive abilities of his people in order to undermine the pretended biological and moral superiority of Whites that often justified the pushback against equal rights for all. Third, Du Bois wished to inspire Americans to become better citizens by compelling his fellow countrymen to embrace the Founding Fathers’ ideals and higher moral standards. The writing of The Souls of Black Folk marks an important shift in Du Bois’ intellectual life because he recants the accommodationist rhetoric of his youth during this period. Some of the ideas introduced in The Souls of Black Folk can be traced back to the influence of Alexander Crummell and of Du Bois’ teachers at the University of Berlin. However, it is Du Bois’s field work in the black community of Philadelphia that made him realize both the degree of the inequalities faced by African Americans and the fact that hard work and enthusiasm are not enough to overcome such significant disparities.

Since his rise to fame in the late nineteenth century, Booker T. Washington has been incorrectly labeled a compromiser and power-hungry politician who sacrificed social progress for his own advancement. Through extensive research of Washington's personal papers, speeches, and affiliations, it has become apparent that the typical characterizations of Washington are not based exclusively in fact. The paper opens with an overview of Washington's philosophy, followed by a discussion of Washington's rise to power and consolidation of his "Tuskegee Machine," and finally the split that occurred within the African-American community with the formation of the NAACP. The thesis concludes that, while Washington's tactics were different from and far less visible than those of more militant black leaders, they were nonetheless effective in the overall effort.

I examined the effects of potential predators in relation to habitat selection in Peromyscus leucopus. I also examined habitat selection in three other sympatric species (Blarina brevicauda, Blarina carolinensis, Sorex longirostris). I utilized data fiom 49 sampling sites on National Park Service land; Petersburg National Battlefield Eastern Front Unit (15), Five-Forks Unit (17), Appomattox Court House National Historical Park (15) and Booker T. Washington National Monument (12). Sites were categorized by location (park unit) and habitat type (i.e. bottom-land hardwood), and the microhabitat within each sampling site was characterized by four variables (% cover of grasses, herbs, shrubs, and volume of downed wood). Importance values of tree species within each sampling site were also measured. Peromyscus leucopus, B. brevicauda, B. carolinensis, and S. longirostris were captured in all habitat types. Low capture rates for shrew species and high variability in the abundance of shrew species among all sampling sites were likely responsible for the lack of differences in abundance among habitats (p > 0.05). Peromyscus leucopus represented 76% of the captures among prey species and was the only species to demonstrate differences in relative abundance among habitat types. The relative abundance of P. leucopus was higher in bottom-land hardwood habitat when compared to pine forest plantation habitat (ANOVA, p P. leucopus among these habitat types may be explained by differences in understory structural diversity. Furthermore, the corresponding increase in the relative abundance of Procyon lotor (the most abundant predator during the study) in structurally heterogeneous habitat (bottom-land hardwood) suggests the importance of anti-predator behaviors within these habitat types. Ultimately, this may suggest that prey cannot escape the presence or calculate the abundance of predators and instead simply avoid dangerous habitats. Although the relative abundance of the most abundant predator (P. lotor) and prey (P. leucopus) species were positively associated within certain habitat types, a negative association between predator and prey species abundance was evident within parks. In the Eastern Front unit the relative abundance of prey (P. leucopus, S. longirostris) was lower in comparison to the Five-Forks unit while the abundance of P. lotor was higher (ANOVA, p P. lotor, Didelphis virginiana, and Urocyon cinereoargenteus were higher in the Eastern Front unit when compared to the Five-Forks unit. It appeared that the lethal effects of predators are evident at larger scales (within parks) despite the anti-predator behaviors of prey at smaller scales (within microhabitats). My results indicate that at larger scales (within parks) the lethal effects (removal of prey) of abundant predators may overwhelm the non-lethal effects (anti-predator behavior) exhibited by prey at smaller scales, especially in areas where structurally heterogenous habitats are lacking.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Indiana University, 2006. / Computer printout. Advisor: Estelle R. Jorgensen. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 330-341), abstract, and vita.

Thesis (M.A.)--Miami University, Dept. of History, 2008. / Title from first page of PDF document. Includes bibliographical references (p.58-60).