The federal Juvenile Delinquents Act of 1908 confirmed and expanded upon an inferior civil status for Canadian children and young people. Using the vehicle of a special children's court designed to protect its clientele with such innovations as private hearings and informal evidence, legislators denied the benefit of traditional legal protections to children. The rationale for these changes was the assumption that wayward children were incontrovertibly criminalized by contact with the regular court system and with adult offenders. Proponents of the new juvenile court system believed that a paternalistic probation officer who kept a close watch on the child and its family would provide an effective alternative to the cycle whereby juvenile offenders became irreversibly committed adult offenders. This thesis examines the day-to-day operations of the Vancouver Juvenile Court, one of the pioneer Canadian children's courts, with a view to testing some of these premises. Files were compiled on all juvenile males who came before the court during its first five years of operation. A computer analysis was made of the cases to determine how different variables, such as the child's home situation and who initiated his initial contact with the court affected handling of the cases. It was found that the Vancouver Court did not function as its promoters had intended. Children were still frequently picked up by police and held in regular police cells for varying lengths of time. They were subjected, further, to frequent and lengthy periods of detention in the Court's Detention Home. Instead of being the subjects of an exhaustive examination by a fatherly judge, their cases were decided, occasionally over the telephone and usually after only the most cursory consideration, by a police magistrate after his other duties were completed. Almost all male offenders who came into contact with the Court were formally charged. Of these, fewer than half were brought back for a subsequent offence. Most of those who did return to Court on one or more new charges were brought in for either the same or lesser orders of offences than their first charges. Many repeating offenders were brought forward on charges arising directly out of the settlements of their first cases. The Juvenile Court thus may have either succeeded in breaking the presumed cycle whereby boys arrested on a single charge went on to commit more frequent and more serious offences, or it may have actually inflated the numbers of offenders by causing the arrest of boys whose minor misbehaviours might otherwise have been overlooked. The Court's influence went beyond the power it held over its wards. Families, friends, teachers and employers of the boys were also brought under the control or influence of the probation officer as part of his efforts to control their environments. In a larger sense, the entire community was affected by Court campaigns for new bylaws to control children's activities. The Juvenile Court served a social function by enforcing a standard period of dependency for all children without regard to their personal and/or their parents' wishes in the matter. The lengthier childhood had always existed in law, but Court enforcement and elucidation of the issue made it a matter of wider practice as well. The Juvenile Court also functioned as an economic institution in that it controlled both the occupations of its wards and the regularity with which those occupations were practiced. It played a similar role for parents who came under its power. The evidence suggests that in both its social and its economics functions, the Court was acting in full compliance with the wishes of the general community. / Arts, Faculty of / History, Department of / Graduate

Past migration studies have tended to concentrate on either, the characteristics of migrants, the correlates that 'explain' migration flows, or the monetary gains which accrue to migrants but, despite a growing interest in the field of Social Impact Assessment, there has been little empirical analysis of the relative performance of migrants and non-migrants in areas experiencing economic expansion. The few relevant case studies which have been done examine historically stagnant areas that have managed to attract a new economic activity. They generally compare a single aspect of migrant/non-migrant performance (usually income) and use data that has limited information on important socio-economic variables. Hence, the available information on the relative performance of migrants and non-migrants is sparse and fragmentary. The thesis improves the level of understanding of the outcomes and implications of in-migration. It achieves this by comparing not only the relative mean wage incomes but also the demands for social services and the occupational distributions/unemployment rates of migrants who entered B.C. between 1966-1971 with those of longer term provincial residents (indigenes). The analysis uses bivariate tables to examine data derived from a one per cent sample of the 1971 provincial population, the whole sample is used in the study of the dependency ratios while the male household head subgroup was selected for the examination of the relative income and employment performance of migrants and non-migrants. The analysis can be divided into two main streams. First, the examination of areas in which some previous work had been done. In this stream the analysis revealed that higher incomes among younger in-migrants, which have been found in previous studies and which are evident in the data examined in the thesis, cease to exist when level of education is held constant. Indigenes were found to have mean wage incomes that were predominantly higher than or equal to those of comparable in-migrants. while inter-national in-migrants had incomes that were substantially below those of indigenes and interprovincial in-migrants. At the same time it was found that the indigenous population had a lower proportion of its population employed in service related industries than in-migrants. This is the reverse of the situation in historically stagnant areas attracting new activities. In addition, with the exception of international migrants, the migrant flow did not consistently have a larger proportion of its population in high skill occupations than indigenes. Once again, this result is in contrast to previous findings. The second group of findings is in areas where previous work is minimal or non-existent. I In these areas, in-migrants were found: to have a lower ratio of dependents per income earner than the indigenous population, to be employed in a broad range of occupations rather than concentrated in a few, and to import a large amount of human capital acquired in other jurisdictions. Yet the unemployment rate of the indigenous male household head population was found to be approximately three per cent. The findings lead to three general conclusions relating to in-migration to B.C. during the 1966-1971 period: 1. in terms of the factors studied, in-migration over the period was beneficial to the province. 2. there are only a few subgroups of the indigenous population studied that did not perform as well as in-migrants in the expanding provincial economy. Furthermore, these groups include only a small per centage of the total indigenous population examined. 3. among male household heads there is no substantial support for the conventional wisdom that in-migrants fill a large number of jobs needed by the indigenous population. / Applied Science, Faculty of / Community and Regional Planning (SCARP), School of / Graduate

In the late nineteenth century, middle class Canadian reformers tried to use education to change the values and rhythms of working class, immigrant, and Indian children. They used boarding schools, however, only in the case of Indians. Educators expected boardingsschoolstto give them complete control over the environment of their pupils, thus making it possible to rear a generation of culturally and occupationally assimilated Indians. They did not expect their efforts to be blunted or reshaped by existing Indian rhythms. Because Indians were outnumbered, and because their culture was under attack from many directions, historians too have generally assumed that native rhythms had a negligible impact on residential education. Most accounts of the schools portray them as either assisting or victimizing a decimated and essentially helpless minority. This thesis uses Government reports, school records, correspondence, and oral accounts to investigate the way educators and Indians made attendance decisions. It shows that Indians played a vital role in deciding whether children went to residential school; which children went; at what ages they enrolled; how long they stayed; and how much contact they retained with their families and culture while in attendance. It clarifies some of the emotional, economic, and cultural needs which conditioned Indians' attendance decisions. By examining how existing native patterns of life modified a very determined campaign to control and alter Indian society, the thesis hopefully sheds light as well on the gradual, adaptive, and fluid process of "directed" cultural change. Residential schools were not simply an "imposed" social experience, but a mutual and changing relationship shaped by Indians as well as whites. / Arts, Faculty of / History, Department of / Graduate

A survey was conducted during the months of June and July 1976 at the Willow Chest Clinic in Vancouver, British Columbia, using a questionnaire designed to test tuberculosis patients' knowledge on the cause, course, treatment and prevention of tuberculosis, and their attitude towards the patient education process. The questionnaire was administered to 159 new active tuberculosis patients attending the Clinic for follow-up treatment. Approximately half of this population had been hospitalized at Pearson Hospital during their initial treatment phase, while the other half was treated at the Willow Chest Clinic since the diagnosis of the disease. A control population of 162 patients matched by age, sex, education and ethnic origin was selected from patients attending the Clinic for other respiratory diseases. The objective of the study was to compare hospital versus clinic education of tuberculosis patients in Vancouver, since the product and the process of patient education have an important impact on the treatment and control of tuberculosis. The tuberculosis patients knew more about the disease than the non-tuberculosis patients. The Hospitalized patients had consistently and significantly higher scores than the Control group. The Non-Hospitalized patients had statistically higher scores than the Control only in the area of knowledge of treatment of tuberculosis. The patients who had been hospitalized knew more about the disease than patients who were treated on an ambulatory basis since the diagnosis of the disease. Biases such as that resulting from the selection process of the Study and Control groups, the design and administration of the questionnaire could have contributed to the differences in the scores. Age, education and ethnic origin were found to have significant impact on the knowledge of the patients. However, these variables had been adjusted for in the final analysis of the scores. Since the hospital had provided more patient education opportunities than the clinic, the higher scores could be due to the patient education process. Patient education could have increased the knowledge of tuberculosis among the hospitalized patients. The importance of good communication in patient education was reiterated. That these different groups of patients, by virtue of their differences in age, education and ethnic origin, had their unique education needs was evident from the patients' response. Hence different means of communicating disease information in varying amounts would be necessary. The use of non-tuberculosis patients to estimate the level of knowledge of tuberculosis patients prior to their disease has not been completely satisfactory. It is recommended that future patient education programs have mechanisms for evaluation built into their design. This would allow a better assessment of the effectiveness of patient education. / Medicine, Faculty of / Population and Public Health (SPPH), School of / Graduate

Recent reports indicate that the nutritional status of native Indians is poorer than that of the general population. The culture of native Canadians is currently in a state of transition, with many factors affecting traditional life patterns, producing rapid changes in lifestyles. The present study was undertaken in order to gain fuller understanding of those problems related to food intake and the influence of social and cultural factors. By use of a 24-hour recall, the nutrient content of diets of 144 individuals living at three reserves adjacent to urban centres was compared with diets of 105 individuals at four relatively isolated Indian reserves. Interviews were conducted with 92 women from the seven reserves and information regarding food beliefs, shopping habits, meal planning, food practices, as well as selected socio-economic and family variables, was collected. In addition, data on food prices and foods available in local stores was gathered. Analysis of nutrient intake data showed that low intakes were frequent for calories, calcium, iron and vitamin C. Low caloric intakes were observed for adolescents and most adults, regardless of reserve location. Calcium intakes were lowest on isolated reserves, while iron status was poorest in non-isolated communities. Vitamin C intakes on isolated reserves were considerably lower than on non-isolated reserves. Rank correlation coefficients using Kendall's tau beta demonstrated that several independent variables were related to the dependent variable, food practices of the female household head. These included the location of the reserve, education of respondents, the women's attitudes toward nutrition, household size, and the level reached on the household facilities scale. The most significant factor related to food consumption was isolation (p<.001), with diets in urban areas being more adequate than those in rural areas. Overall food selection was poorest in isolated reserves, notably Babine and Fort Ware. The items most often in short supply were dairy products, fresh meats and fresh fruits and vegetables. Food costs were also highest in the most isolated reserves. It was concluded that food practices of native Indians are poorer at isolated reserves than at those adjacent to urban centres. Indications are that this is a consequence of the interaction of a number of factors: high food prices, poor selection, unemployment, inadequate housing and household facilities, depleting natural food resources, a lack of food/nutrition information, as well as a lack of involvement in health-related programmes. / Land and Food Systems, Faculty of / Graduate

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