Colonial Detection tracks the checkered career of criminal detection, a distinct mode of producing knowledge about crime in the nineteenth century, that relied on the cognitive model of retrospective reconstruction. The dissertation traces its emergence and consolidation in nineteenth century British India as a form of inter-departmental bureaucratic work for government agents at the interface of police investigations, magisterial inquiry, and forensic scientific research. At the same time, it follows the circulation of this model of thinking backward from clues, beyond state institutions, into the domain of popular discourse about crime, investigation, and evidence. Histories of evidence law in the common law world, studied till date as a largely Anglo-American story, tend to focus predominantly on the evaluation of information after they are presented as evidence to judges, juries, and lawyers. Colonial Detection departs from these received histories and recuperates an alternative history of common law evidence from the archives of nineteenth century British India. With a sustained focus on historical developments in the Bengal Province, it shows how legal norms of evidence and inquiry in the colony were indelibly shaped by the exigencies of criminal ‘detection,’ i.e., the investigation of crime and the production of evidence, far away from criminal courts, and long before the commencement of trials.

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This study focuses on the British wives of civil servants and army officers who lived in India from 1857 to 1939 to examine the translation of feminine discourses of bourgeois domesticity over imperial space. Three questions form the subject of this research. First, how were cultures of domesticity and imperialism intertwined in complex and often contradicatory ways over space? Second, did imperial rule, and the travel that it necessarily implied, challenge or reinforce the claim that 'there's no place like home'? Third, how and why were places both like and yet unlike 'home' produced by British women living in India? I start by examining the 'mutiny' of 1857-1858 as a period of domestic and imperial crisis, focusing on representations of and by British women at Cawnpore and Lucknow. Then, considering the place of British women in the post-'mutiny' reconstruction of imperial domesticity in India, I focus on two scales: first, home and empire-making on a household scale; and, second, seasonal travels by British women to hill stations in North India. In their travels both to and within India, British women embodied contested discourses of imperial domesticity. Throughout, I focus on the mobile, embodied subjectivities of memsahibs. While imperial histories have often neglected the roles played by British women in India, revisionist accounts have often reproduced stereotypical and / or celebratory accounts of memsahibs. In contrast, I examine the ambivalent basis of imperial and gendered stereotypes and conceptualise spatialised subjectivities in terms of embodiment, critical mobility, and material performativity. As members of an official elite, the British wives of civil servants and army officers came to embody many of the connections and tensions between domesticity and imperialism. Both during and after the 'mutiny,' the place of British women and British homes in India was contested. The place of British women and British homes in India reveal contradictions at the heart of imperial rule by reproducing and yet destabilizing imperial rule on a domestic scale

This DPhil dissertation aims to delineate an ambivalent construction of 'Britishness' in late British India by paying special attention to certain discourses and practices that regulated the lives of both colonial elites and of their impoverished and/or racially mixed kin. Peculiar racial self-anxieties of the colonial ruling classes, - namely those over hygienic / sexual degradation and cultural hybridisation, the increased presence of indigent and/or racially mixed white populations, and the undesired consequences of the last - are examined thorough a close and analytically coherent analysis of colonial representations and practices. An important feature of this research is to bring the internal-cum-class distinctions of metropolitan society to the fore in order to circumscribe a peculiarly class-specific constitution of British racial identity in the colonial context. Broadly speaking, in two related senses can the (re)production of white racial prestige in the British Raj be regarded as a class-conditioned phenomenon. First of all, colonial Britishness can be said to have been characterised by class because not all persons or groups of British descent living in the colony were recognised as 'European enough': only those from the upper or middle classes were considered as so 'European' as to be capable of ruling the 'subject races' of India. The remaining people of British racial origins, including the so-called 'poor whites', the 'domiciled Europeans' (those whites permanently settled in India), and the mixed-decent 'Eurasians', were not regarded as 'British enough' (although they were not seen as 'Indian', either). Especially, 'domiciled Europeans' and 'Eurasians', often collectively referred to as 'the domiciled class', were not treated as 'British' but only as 'Native' in socio-legal terms: the 'domiciled' differed from 'Indians' in terms of racial and cultural identification, but were supposed to be no higher than the latter by constitutional status and socio-economic standard. Secondly it was because of its recourse to 'bourgeois philanthropy' that the construction of Britishness in late British India may be said to have been bound by aspects of Victorian or Edwardian class culture. Although the British excluded their domiciled brethren from the sphere of their social and economic privileges, the former also 'included' the latter within limited frames of philanthropic and educational care. For, their exclusion from the elite white community notwithstanding, the domiciled were still regarded as one part of the European (as opposed to Indian) body politic. Thus the colonial authorities feared that an unregulated destitution of 'poor whites', domiciled Europeans, and Eurasians might present itself as a political menace to the prestige of the British race as a whole: in a sense, the authority of Britishness also depended on how 'European pauperism' could be solved before it had disorderly effects on the colonial hierarchies of race and class. It was in this context that the philanthropic management of pauperism emerged as a negative but no less unimportant measure for reproducing British prestige in the colonial context. And central to this was a specific, colonial application of a politics of class that the bourgeoisie played against the indigent and various 'unfit' populations in the metropole.

In this thesis, I focus on the relationship between gender and nation in post-colonial India, through the lens of Muslim women, who are located on the margins of both religious community and nation. The contradictory embrace of a composite national identity with an ascriptive religious identity, has had critical consequences for Muslim women, to whom the state has simultaneously granted and denied equal citizenship. The impact is felt primarily in the continuing disadvantage of women through the denial of gender equality within the family. The state's regulation of gender roles and family relationships in the 'private sphere', inevitably has determined women's status as citizens in the public sphere. / In this context, the notion of citizenship becomes a focus of any exploration of the legal status of Muslim women. I explore the idea of citizenship as a space of subaltern secularism that opens up the possibility for Indian women of all faiths, to reclaim a selfhood, free from essentialist definitions of gender interests and prescripted identities. I evaluate the realm of constitutional law as a counter-hegemonic discourse that can challenge existing power structures. Finally, I argue for the need to acknowledge the hybridity of culture and the modernity of tradition, to emphasise the integration of the colonial past with the postcolonial present. Such an understanding is critical to the feminist emancipatory project as it reveals the manner in which oppositional categories of public/private, true Muslim woman/feminist, Muslim/Other, Western/Indian, and modern/traditional, have been used to deny women equal rights.

This study focuses on the British wives of civil servants and army officers who lived in India from 1857 to 1939 to examine the translation of feminine discourses of bourgeois domesticity over imperial space. Three questions form the subject of this research. First, how were cultures of domesticity and imperialism intertwined in complex and often contradicatory ways over space? Second, did imperial rule, and the travel that it necessarily implied, challenge or reinforce the claim that 'there's no place like home'? Third, how and why were places both like and yet unlike 'home' produced by British women living in India? I start by examining the 'mutiny' of 1857-1858 as a period of domestic and imperial crisis, focusing on representations of and by British women at Cawnpore and Lucknow. Then, considering the place of British women in the post-'mutiny' reconstruction of imperial domesticity in India, I focus on two scales: first, home and empire-making on a household scale; and, second, seasonal travels by British women to hill stations in North India. In their travels both to and within India, British women embodied contested discourses of imperial domesticity. Throughout, I focus on the mobile, embodied subjectivities of memsahibs. While imperial histories have often neglected the roles played by British women in India, revisionist accounts have often reproduced stereotypical and / or celebratory accounts of memsahibs. In contrast, I examine the ambivalent basis of imperial and gendered stereotypes and conceptualise spatialised subjectivities in terms of embodiment, critical mobility, and material performativity. As members of an official elite, the British wives of civil servants and army officers came to embody many of the connections and tensions between domesticity and imperialism. Both during and after the 'mutiny,' the place of British women and British homes in India was contested. The place of British women and British homes in India reveal contradictions at the heart of imperial rule by reproducing and yet destabilizing imperial rule on a domestic scale / Arts, Faculty of / Geography, Department of / Graduate

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Loin de la scène politique, Abbas II en exil, Nubar en retraite, chacun enregistre ses Mémoires pour offrir à la postérité leur précieux témoignage, en français non seulement sur leur vie publique mais aussi sur l’Égypte des vice-rois et sur les faits de leurs temps. Nubar, ce pacha d’origine arménienne qui a servi tous les vice-rois de l’Égypte depuis Mohamed Ali jusqu’à Abbas II, insiste dans ses Mémoires sur les projets qu’il a le plus défendus et les défis qu’il a relevés au fil des années : la réforme de la justice, la défense des droits du fellah, son refus du projet du canal de Suez, ainsi que son opposition aux caprices de Saïd et surtout à ceux d’Ismaïl qui ont conduit progressivement l’Égypte à la faillite.Abbas II se défend dans ses Mémoires devant l’Histoire et surtout contre les accusations de son rival Cromer, le consul général britannique, publiées dans Modern Egypt et dans Abbas II. Le Khédive met en avant la lutte nationaliste qu’il a menée aux niveaux politique, éducatif, culturel, entre autres, afin de faire face à l’occupation anglaise. Il explique l’évolution de sa relation avec les généraux britanniques de la politique de rupture sous Cromer à celle de l’entente qui a commencé en 1907 après l’incident de Denchaway (1906).Cette forme d’écriture de soi se distingue de ses formes voisines (le journal, l’autobiographie, le récit de voyage) par son identité mixte (historique, juridique, politique et esthétique). Cela explique la variété des stratégies suivies par le pacha et le Khédive dans leurs Mémoires : stratégie de dénégation, de disqualification de l’adversaire, de l’interprétation, de prudence, etc. Nous étudions ces deux textes en insistant sur le côté littéraire des Mémoires, qui est d’habitude marginalisé au profit de leur dimension historique.Les Mémoires constituent une arme de l’homme politique qui lui permettent de bénéficier d’une grande liberté grâce à leur identité mixte. Le mémorialiste homme de pouvoir multiplie les stratégies d’écriture pour prouver sa crédibilité. Il se défend et fait de son ouvrage un monument capable de traverser les siècles aussi bien par sa valeur historique qu’esthétique. Malgré le débat sur la subjectivité du mémorialiste et sa relation avec l’écriture de l’Histoire, la valeur historique des Mémoires est indéniable. Au terme de notre travail, nous revendiquons l’insertion des Mémoires dans l’enseignement : un moyen parmi d’autres pour tirer ce patrimoine précieux de l’oubli et lui octroyer la place qu’il mérite dans la mémoire collective. / Away from the political scene, Abbas II in exile, Nubar retired, each one has written his Memoirs to offer to the posterity their precious testimony in french, not only about their public life but also about Egypt’s vice-kings and about their time.Nubar, this pacha of armenian origin, and who served all the vice-kings of Egypt since Mohamed Ali to Abbas II, insists in his Memoirs on the projects which he defended the most and his won challenges over the years: the justice reform, the defense of the fellah’s rights, the rejection of the canal of Suez project, his opposition to the whims of Saïd and especially those of Ismaïl which have led Egypt to the bankruptcy.Abbas II defends himself in front of the history, especially against his rival’s charges: Cromer, the general British consul published in Modern Egypt and in Abbas II. The Khedive highlighted his nationalist struggle that he led in several fields: political, educational, cultural fields in order to face the British occupation. He explains the evolution of his relation with the British generals from the discord policy under Cromer leadership to the agreement that began in 1907 after the Denchaway incident (1906).This form of personnal writing differs from its related forms (the diaries, the autobiography, the travel novels) by its mixed identity (historical, legal, political and aesthetic). This explains the variety of the strategies followed by the pacha and the Khedive in their memoirs: strategie of denial, of disqualification of the opponent, of the interpretation, of the caution, etc. We study these texts focussing on the lirerary side which is usually marginalized in the benefit of their historical side.The Memoirs are weapons of the politician which give him free style due to their hybrid identity. The political memoirist multiplies his writing strategies to prove his credibility. He defends himself and makes his book a monument able to cross the centuries by both historical and aesthetic value. Despite the debate about the subjectivity of the memoirist and its relationship with writing the history, the historical value of Memoirs is undeniable. At the end of our study, we reclam to insert the Memoirs in the education programs: a way among others to save this precious heritage from oblivion and give it its rightful place in the collective memory.

The Allied Occupation of Germany, 1945-49, was intended to transform the war-torn Third Reich into a peaceable nation through a series of far-reaching political, economic, and social reforms. But amid the growing tensions between East and West these radical plans would be significantly altered, culminating in the formation of two German states in 1949. Historians have tended to view the occupation as a backdrop to the nascent Cold War or a transitional period in the history of modern Germany. Yet this thesis suggests that British participation in the Allied occupation was, in fact, much more than simply an exercise in political pragmatism or a contribution to the rebuilding of war-torn Europe. Rather, this undertaking catalysed Britain's political and public confrontation with Nazism, laying some of the most significant and durable foundations of the postwar Anglo-German relationship. This research utilises contemporary mass media sources and official records to explore British images and perceptions of Germany under occupation, scrutinising the interactions of decision-makers, the media, and the public. It begins with an examination of the pervasive culture war that emerged in wartime Britain over the precise interpretation and resolution of the so-called 'German problem'. The thesis then goes on to consider public portrayals of the occupation vis-à-vis the evolution of official policy, beginning in the summer of 1945 when British policymakers responded to popular demands for a 'hard peace' and approved a rigorous programme of denazification, re-education, and demilitarisation. In the coming years, scandals engulfed the public image of the British occupiers, threatening to undermine Britain's claims on 'winning the peace' and even prompting an official public relations campaign. The mass market press led calls for an abrupt end to the occupation, fearing it was undermining the nation's prestige while failing to adequately address the threat still posed by Germany. At around the same time, Britain's political and military leaders reassessed their position in the face of the Cold War, turning towards the reconstruction and rehabilitation of western Germany. By 1949, a clear dichotomy had emerged, with implications reaching far beyond the immediate postwar period: while anxieties over the 'German problem' remained largely intact amongst substantial sections of the British press and public, with many regarding the occupation as an abject failure, policymakers were firmly set on the path towards Anglo-German reconciliation and alliance.