Texte remanié de: Diss.--München, 1999. / Résumé en anglais. Bibliogr. p. 205-226.

La vallée du moyen Euphrate, trait d’union entre la Mésopotamie du sud et la Syrie occidentale, est, durant la fin du la fin du IIIème millénaire et le début du IIème millénaire, gouverné par un šakkanakku installé à Mari (Tell Hariri, Syrie). Cette époque ainsi nommée « époque des šakkanakku » est, depuis deux décennies, étudiée avec un intérêt grandissant, en raison des découvertes archéologiques datant de cette époque. Une vue d’ensemble des données archéologiques et historiques de vallée du moyen Euphrate durant l’époque des šakkanakku suggèrent que le royaume de Mari, durant cette époque, s’est affirmé comme une puissance indépendante et prospère jusqu’au 19ème siècle (fin de l’époque des šakkanakku) où les données sont moins explicites sur le plan historique. Grâce à de nouvelles données textuelles provenant de Mari, mais également de Terqa (au nord de Mari) dont la majorité date de la fin de l’époque des šakkanakku, on a pu mettre en évidence des permanences et des ruptures entre la fin de l’époque des šakkanakku et l’époque suivante (époque « amorrite ») dans plusieurs domaines comme la langue, la « tradition scribale » ou encore dans la tradition juridique. Du point de vue dialectal, les textes du 19ème siècle montrent que la tradition linguistique est fortement ancrée dans l’univers syrien. Après l’avènement de l’amorrite Yahdun-Lim qui mit fin à l’époque des šakkanakku, la composante syrienne demeure présente, mais elle reste moins importante en raison d’une réforme de l’écriture modélisée sur la pratique sud mésopotamienne (Iraq actuelle), certainement due à la prépondérance politique d’Ešnunna durant l’extrême fin du 19ème siècle. Enfin, cette nouvelle documentation a également permis d’aborder des questions plus historiques notamment l’interaction des derniers šakkanakku de Mari avec des condottieres amorrites dont le père de Yahdun-Lim durant le 19ème siècle. / The valley of the Middle Euphrates, hyphen between South Mesopotamia and Western Syria, was ruled by a šakkanakku lived in Mari (Tell Hariri, Syria) during the end of the third millennium and early second millennium. This time period named "šakkanakku-period" is particularly studied since twenty years An overview of archaeological and historical data from the Middle Euphrates valley during the time of šakkanakku suggest that the kingdom of Mari during that time has established itself as a power independent and prosperous until the 19th century (end of the time of šakkanakku) where data are less explicit historically. The new text data from Mari, and Terqa (north of Mari), of the most dated from the end of šakkanakku-period, shows continuance and ruptures between the end of šakkanakku-period and the next period ("Amorite-period"). This continuance and ruptures are examined in several areas such as language, "scribal tradition" or in the legal tradition. The dialect of this text (19th century) shows that linguistic tradition is deeply rooted in the universe Syria. After the advent of the Amorite Yahdun-Lim who ended the time of the šakkanakku the Syrian characteristics in the dialect remains present, but it is less important because a reform of writing modeled on southern Mesopotamia (Iraq current), probably due to the preponderance of political Ešnunna during the end of the 19th century. Finally, this new text has also allowed dealing the historical interaction of the last šakkanakku Mari with condottieri Amorite whose father Yahdun-Lim in the 19th century.

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The stable isotopes carbon and nitrogen from 18 skeletal and 51 dental samples from various burial contexts at the Bronze and Iron Age sites of Mitrou and Tragana Agia Triada are examined to understand diet in prehistoric central Greece. The samples are compared by cultural period, site, and burial type in order to determine if diet was affected by changes in society or by social status as determined by burial form. In addition, isotopic data from across Greece is compared to understand diet from the Neolithic to Iron Age and in different regions of the country. The results of the Mitrou-TAT study indicate no change in diet through time or between the two sites. No significant differences were found between diet and burial types as well. When applied to the broader aspect of societal change, these results suggest that, even with a significant societal change, diet is not significantly influenced.

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Thesis (Revise). / Includes bibliographical references (p. [337]-363).

CoordenaÃÃo de AperfeiÃoamento de NÃvel Superior / Neste trabalho investigamos o diagrama de fases do ferroelÃtrico tipo tungstÃnio bronze PbxBa1-xNb2O6 (PBN). A principal tÃcnica experimental utilizada foi a espectroscopia Raman, com a qual realizamos medidas em funÃÃo da temperatura entre 10 e 750 K em amostras com as concentraÃÃes x= 0,56, 0,60 e 0,70. Contudo a complexidade intrÃnseca dos espectros Raman do PBN nos levou a realizar uma cuidadosa discussÃo do mÃtodo mais adequado para o tratamento dos dados. No intuito de verificar a eficiÃncia da metodologia proposta, aplicamos a mesma ao estudo de um ferroelÃtrico da famÃlia de Aurivillius, o Bi1,75Te0,25SrNb1,75Hf0,25O9. Nossos resultados nas amostras de PBN permitiram verificar que as mesmas nÃo apresentam transiÃÃes de fase estruturais a baixas temperaturas. Por outro lado, acima da temperatura ambiente observamos a transiÃÃo de fase ferro-paraelÃtrica em todas elas, Ãs temperaturas previstas pelo diagrama de fases. Baseados nesses resultados, o diagrama de fases do PBN foi rediscutido mostrando que a extensÃo do contorno de fases morfotrÃpico a baixas temperaturas nÃo està em bom acordo com as previsÃes da literatura. Como conseqÃÃncia, uma modificaÃÃo a este diagrama de fases foi proposta. / Neste trabalho investigamos o diagrama de fases do ferroelÃtrico tipo tungstÃnio bronze PbxBa1-xNb2O6 (PBN). A principal tÃcnica experimental utilizada foi a espectroscopia Raman, com a qual realizamos medidas em funÃÃo da temperatura entre 10 e 750 K em amostras com as concentraÃÃes x= 0,56, 0,60 e 0,70. Contudo a complexidade intrÃnseca dos espectros Raman do PBN nos levou a realizar uma cuidadosa discussÃo do mÃtodo mais adequado para o tratamento dos dados. No intuito de verificar a eficiÃncia da metodologia proposta, aplicamos a mesma ao estudo de um ferroelÃtrico da famÃlia de Aurivillius, o Bi1,75Te0,25SrNb1,75Hf0,25O9. Nossos resultados nas amostras de PBN permitiram verificar que as mesmas nÃo apresentam transiÃÃes de fase estruturais a baixas temperaturas. Por outro lado, acima da temperatura ambiente observamos a transiÃÃo de fase ferro-paraelÃtrica em todas elas, Ãs temperaturas previstas pelo diagrama de fases. Baseados nesses resultados, o diagrama de fases do PBN foi rediscutido mostrando que a extensÃo do contorno de fases morfotrÃpico a baixas temperaturas nÃo està em bom acordo com as previsÃes da literatura. Como conseqÃÃncia, uma modificaÃÃo a este diagrama de fases foi proposta. / Neste trabalho investigamos o diagrama de fases do ferroelÃtrico tipo tungstÃnio bronze PbxBa1-xNb2O6 (PBN). A principal tÃcnica experimental utilizada foi a espectroscopia Raman, com a qual realizamos medidas em funÃÃo da temperatura entre 10 e 750 K em amostras com as concentraÃÃes x= 0,56, 0,60 e 0,70. Contudo a complexidade intrÃnseca dos espectros Raman do PBN nos levou a realizar uma cuidadosa discussÃo do mÃtodo mais adequado para o tratamento dos dados. No intuito de verificar a eficiÃncia da metodologia proposta, aplicamos a mesma ao estudo de um ferroelÃtrico da famÃlia de Aurivillius, o Bi1,75Te0,25SrNb1,75Hf0,25O9. Nossos resultados nas amostras de PBN permitiram verificar que as mesmas nÃo apresentam transiÃÃes de fase estruturais a baixas temperaturas. Por outro lado, acima da temperatura ambiente observamos a transiÃÃo de fase ferro-paraelÃtrica em todas elas, Ãs temperaturas previstas pelo diagrama de fases. Baseados nesses resultados, o diagrama de fases do PBN foi rediscutido mostrando que a extensÃo do contorno de fases morfotrÃpico a baixas temperaturas nÃo està em bom acordo com as previsÃes da literatura. Como conseqÃÃncia, uma modificaÃÃo a este diagrama de fases foi proposta.

The general homogeneity of artifacts of the Intermediate Early Bronze - Middle Bronze Age in Palestine has been acknowledged for some years, but the evidence for a relative chronology and typology of objects within the period is based largely on the contents of tombs. Since the surveys of Nelson Glueck in Transjordan it has been apparent that in this region there exist a very large number of EB.MB settlement sites with artifacts directly comparable to those of Contemporary Palestine. It was hoped therefore that some evidence for development within the period might be more readily discernible in Transjordan than in Palestine, where regional differences between cemeteries were sufficiently marked to make any chronological succession very difficult to establish. If the order of succession could be achieved in Transjordan, it would therefore elucidate some of the most difficult problems of chronology in Palestine, as well as shedding light on an area that was in itself insufficiently well known. Subsequently the scope of this research was widened to include all areas within which this homogeneous culture was discernible. This study is based therefore on the field work of several seasons in Syria, Lebanon and particularly Transjordan. It is primarily a collation of most aspects of archaeological evidence in the areas where objects typical of the EB.MB period have been found, and a discussion of the inferences which may be drawn from this evidence. The period is defined chronoigically c. 2350 - 1900 B.C., and at the outset the general basis of terminology and chronology accepted in this study are defined, as there are a multiplicity of terms currently in use. The first section attempts a very short summary of the literary and historical evidence from Mesopotamia, Egypt and Syria-Palestine which bears on the questions of the ethnic identity of the occupants of Palestine - Syria in the late third - early second millennia and what evidence there is for population movements. Although there is no direct historical solution to these problems, such historical evidence as there is must provide a framework within which the archaeological evidence can be more accurately assessed. The second section is concerned with the geographical evidence. The first topic is the limits of settlement of EB.MB peoples based on the evidence of archaeological survey, only in terms of people using artifacts directly comparable to those in Palestine. Sources and methods are described. The discussion which follows suggests topographical and climatic factors which appear to have influenced settlement at this time, and finally some tentative suggestions are made concerning political and social organization, and direction of settlement. Distribution of sites and the surface evidence suggest that new influences are most likely to have come from the north-east, penetrating Palestine and TransJordan by way of the major river valleys. Section three, dealing with the pottery, contains the weight of the evidence for the conclusions. It deals first with a description of the excavations and pottery from Tell Iktanu, which provided the basis for the pottery typology and relative chronology of the EB.MB in Transjordan. There follows a discussion of the comparative material from surface survey and excavation in Transjordan which suggests where this material should be placed in relation to regional and chronological variations. The main inferences which can be drawn from this pottery evidence are that much of the pottery is directly derived from that of the local EBA, and secondly that there are definable "innovating features" as opposed to mere typological developments from EBA to EB.MB; and that therefore if the origins of these innovations can be traced, a clear case for the origins of the new population element which intermingled with that of the EBA should also be indicated. A brief survey of the contemporary archaeology of areas to the north indicates that apart from the south Lebanon cemeteries no direct contacts for either EB.MB pottery or the "innovating features" are found in Lebanon. The central Syrian pottery shows greater complexity, but the conclusion is that a sequence Kama K - Kama J - Qatna Tomb IV -r Hama H excludes the "innovating features" observed in TransJordan, and that contemporary Hama J develops from three major urban traditions a) late Early Dynastic III of north Syria indicated mainly in Hama J8-7, b) Sargonid of north Syria from Hama J7 onwards, and c) Levantine EBA throughout. The direct links for the "innovating features", dated c.2350 B.C. in Transjordan, are found in the ED III traditions of the central Euphrates region, from Mari, Til Barsip, Harran, Amarna and Hammam, and it is concluded that people who were associated, but not perhaps directly part of that urban tradition, migrated south from their homelands following the campaigns of Lugalzagesi, the Akkadian expansion in north Mesopotamia and campaigns of Sargon. A secondary influence is traced c.2100-2000 B.C. affecting Palestine more considerably than TransJordan, of which the origins are not clearly discernible, but which are probably due to new influences rather than influxes of new people. The degree of continuity in population and pottery typology is however stressed for the whole period. Sections four and five deal with the stone and metal work. The flints in particular indicate continuity of "Canaanean" traditions from EBA through EB.MB to MBA. There are not many metal objects on which to base a relative typology, but it is also suggested that throughout the period the pin types in particular indicate greater continuity of early inland Syrian traditions than has previously been recognised. Section six shows that there is considerable diversity of grave types, but again tentatively suggests there is a clear, and probably early, north Syrian influence on a basically EBA tradition, and concludes by suggesting that traditions of burial are one of the very few factors by which the assimilation of the EB.MB population in MBA society post-1900 B.C. can be detected archaeologically. Section seven is concerned with the evidence of habitation. It is generally agreed that the EB.MB period is one of nomadic or semi-nomadic occupation, but in some respects the evidence for sedentary occupation has been denigrated. The evidence for both ways of life is reviewed and it is concluded that there are two major processes involved, i) the decline of EBA urban civilization which nonetheless has a lingering influence in the EB.MB period and ii) the introduction of a semi-nomadic element in the population which gradually shows a tendency to settle permanently in fertile areas. In the concluding chapter a few other aspects of the EB.MB period are discussed, including the suggestion that cattle played an important part in pastoralism, and that there was sufficient agriculture to indicate not more than partial nomadism. A brief summary of other views of typology and the origins of the people of the EB.MB period is then followed by conclusions based on the evidence of the previous chapters. These conclusions are that c. 2350 B.C. semi-nomadic people arrived in Transjordan from north Syria and intermingled with the probably West Semitic EB III population. These newcomers may also have been West Semites, but there is no definite evidence that they were Amorites though the evidence does not exclude the possibility. This population remained largely unchanged, and in considerable isolation, until c. 1900 B.C. There are new influences apparent c. 2100 B.C. but the basic continuity of artifacts and social order is clear, and the changes probably do not indicate a large influx of new people.

Cyclopean masonry, used to construct the LH III fortifications on mainland Greece, has been broadly defined as being of large irregular-shaped blocks, commonly of local limestone, unworked or roughly dressed and assembled without mortar, but with small stones set in interstices. Unfortunately, this is the extent to which this masonry has been defined, leaving unanswered questions concerning building style, engineering techniques, and the amount of labour invested in the projects. The heavily fortified palatial/residential complexes of Mycenaean Greece have often been considered the result of an unsettled and aggressive society; however, an investigation into the types and location of the various structures suggest that the walls were designed to conspicuously display wealth. Cyclopean stonework is not confined to the citadels, but includes the elaborate drainage project of the Copais and a system of road networks, both which would suggest a high level of cooperation between communities. Indeed, calculations made in considering resource availability demonstrate that fortifications exceeded all defensive requirements and were probably constructed in then- initial form as part of a programme promoting and strengthening the status of the state through a display of its wealth in large scale building programmes. These monumental fortifications are often believed to have then- origins elsewhere in the Aegean, Cyprus, or the Near East; however, the evidence points to an independent development on mainland Greece. Features of the fortifications are analysed and compared to earlier and contemporary forms of Aegean, Cypriote, and Near Eastern structures in order to understand similarities and/or differences in construction, with a particular emphasis on those structures outside the Greek mainland that have been labelled as "Cyclopean". The conclusion reached is that in each geographical region the fortifications form a distinct group. In order to determine the origins of Cyclopean masonry on the Greek mainland, Cyclopean structures other than fortifications are studied and the masonry style is classified into a typology for an understanding of differences in regional work or date. This information is then used to understand Mycenaean social complexity, defined as the resultant behaviours of individuals or groups functioning within a larger collective assembly whose attitudes and actions, either directly or indirectly, affect the larger community, and to show how previous notions of an aggressive and warring society maybe inaccurate. Although the Mycenaean culture may have been competitive, its means for competition and displays of wealth could only have been achieved through cooperative measures.