Sexual violence has been a considered tragic yet inevitable part of most armed conflicts throughout history. Various connections have been made between natural resources and conflict-related sexual violence and this paper aims to explore this relationship further. This study uses theory on lootable natural resources and sexual violence to hypothesize that lootable natural resources, compared to unlootable, will affect the likelihood of sexual violence. The proposed hypothesis is that rebels who extort alluvial diamonds, a lootable resource, are more likely to engage in sexual violence. Using data from the SVAC and the RCD datasets, the hypothesis is tested through logistic regression. The empirical analysis show that the effect of diamond extortion is indeed statistically significant, which supports the hypothesis. These results contribute to finding possible predictors of conflict-related sexual violence, to help prevent further victims of this violence.

The aim of this study is to gain an understanding of if and how specific UN actors and non-governmental organizations (NGO) embody intersectionality in their communication on conflict-related sexual violence. By utilizing four different Instagram accounts, UN-owned End Rape in War and UN Action, and two NGO accounts Global Survivors Fund and Mukwege Foundation as case studies and applying critical content analysis on them, the study seeks to scrutinize if and how its data embodies elements of intersectional feminism. As gender-based violence against women and girls has gained increasing attention amonginternational organizations and governments, this study stresses the importance of addressingexperiences of all genders experiencing sexual violence in conflict settings. Based on these findings, the study highlights the need for more intersectional and inclusive communication regarding survivors of conflict-related sexual violence. By recognizing the wide gender scope of conflict-related sexual violence survivors in their communications, organizations such as the UN do not only educate the general public on the topic, but also affect policies that can better prevent and protect all people, especially LGBTQ persons and other sexual minorities, from experiencing conflict-related sexual violence.

Recent research has identified a correlation between differrent ways of exploiting natural resources and the occurrence of conflict-related sexual violence. In a quantitative study, extortion showed to have a high correlation with instances of conflict-related sexual violence, but the study lacked evidence for a causal relationship. Lootability has shown to have a great impact on a multiple dynamics of armed conflict, but are lacking research on its impact on conflict-related sexual violence. The thesis, through a qualitative study of the rebel groups ADF in Uganda and FNL in Burundi, offers a combined perspective on the strategic and opportunistic use of sexual violence in conflicts tied to natural resource exploitation. Through a structured focused comparison, this thesis aims to bridge the gap of lootability as a potential explanatory model for CRSV and add on a causal mechanism identifying as to why extortion correlates with CRSV. Case studies provide some support for the hypothesis, but the evidence is not robust enough to draw definitive conclusions. This highlights the need for more detailed research into how specific characteristics of natural resources impact CRSV.

Why do some rebel groups perpetrate conflict-related sexual violence (CRSV) while others do not? A growing body of research has suggested various explanations, but offers no consensus regarding this puzzling question. At the same time, recent studies have recognized how foreign fighters impact rebel groups’ violence against civilians. Yet, to what extent the presence of foreign fighters could also explain rebel-inflicted CRSV remains unexplored. In this study, I argue that rebel groups with foreign fighters are more likely to perpetrate CRSV than rebel groups without foreign fighters, based on two causal mechanisms. Firstly, foreign fighters pose a risk to the internal cohesion of rebel groups, which is why CRSV is initiated as a socialization tool. Secondly, foreign fighters alleviate the rebel groups dependency on the local civilian community, thereby enabling such violence. The results from logistic regressions, based on a sample of 45 rebel groups between 1989 and 2014, indicate that there is indeed covariation between the presence of foreign fighters and CRSV occurrence. The findings contribute to the ongoing scholarly debate trying to explain variations in CRSV, as well as to the emerging field of foreign fighters' effect on violence against civilians. The results also have relevant policy implications for the international efforts in preventing CRSV.

In 2022 Russia illegally invaded Ukraine starting a full-scale war against the country. The war has had severe humanitarian concerns for the civilian population, one of the consequences being increased levels of GBV and CRSV. This research paper analyzes the implications of GBV and the use of CRSV in the war against Ukraine, exploring vulnerable groups and pre-existing patriarchal structures affecting those exposed to the violence. The paper also explores challenges and ways to respond to these issues, providing recommendations to humanitarian and international actors supporting Ukraine in responding to these issues. This qualitative study is based on interviews with professionals working for humanitarian and international organizations in or with Ukraine in the fields of GBV, CRSV and gender providing knowledge on the situation on the ground and insights into local culture and norms, as well as secondary data. The conducted research shows that women and girls are a vulnerable group towards different forms of GBV, such as domestic violence and trafficking in times of war and peace, and CRSV, such as rape. Pre-existing patriarchal structures and traditional norms increases the threat towards women and girls being exposed to violence committed by men. It also indicates that the levels of GBV and CRSV, with violence in different forms such as domestic violence, trafficking, and rape, has increased since the escalation of the war, and that the rate of GBV will continue to increase after the war ends. Recommendations to humanitarian and international actors include working localized and focusing on the re-building of systems responding to GBV that existed prior to the war, promoting a survivor-centered approach in meeting survivors through training of staff, and raising awareness around GBV, CRSV, patriarchal structures and mental health to prevent violence against women and girls in the long-term.

Conflict Related Sexual Violence (CRSV) is a persistent and pervasive humanitarian issue, exacerbated by complexities inherent in global conflicts. Recognising the widespread character of CRSV, the need for comprehensive measures to combat it becomes apparent. In the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), where CRSV remains a prevalent element in the conflict, Panzi Hospital stands out for its specialisation in assisting survivors. The hospital has developed a holistic care model known as the Panzi Model, which serves as a guiding framework for their efforts. In an increasingly interconnected world, characterised by blurred borders and interdependence among societies, the importance of knowledge transfer (KT), especially while acknowledging the importance of an intersectional approach, becomes evident. This study aimed to assess stakeholders' perceptions of the transferability of the Panzi Model, with a specific focus on its transfer from the DRC to Ukraine, facilitated by the Mukwege Foundation. Employing a qualitative mixed-methods approach, empirical data was collected through interviews and document analysis. The analysis was guided by a theoretical framework—a process model for KT developed within the scope of this research, integrating intersectionality into all its phases. Key findings reveal optimism regarding the model's adaptability, but significant challenges persist, including cultural barriers and a lack of conscious decision-making processes of KT. While efforts have been made to raise awareness and provide support services in Ukraine, challenges remain, including a disproportionate focus on advocacy efforts, leaving limited space for tangible medical and psychological support efforts––both key components of the Panzi Model. Findings also revealed the complexities of deciding whether to establish one-stop-centres (OSCs) or to work through referral systems. In conclusion, the study suggests that while the philosophy of the Panzi Model can be transferred, its full implementation requires nuanced adaptations. Recommendations include transparent disclosure of adaptations and a focus on underlying principles rather than rigid methods. Additionally, the study advocates for fostering international civil society collaboration and prioritising long-term aid for sustainable development. Overall, successful application of these concepts requires contextual sensitivity and ongoing collaboration among stakeholders.

This thesis examines how the use of children specifically as soldiers could affect the likelihood of rebel-inflicted conflict-related sexual violence (CRSV). Previous scholars have examined the relationship between rebel groups’ overall recruitment of children and violence against civilians or CRSV, making this a previously unexplored area. The hypotheses of this paper are (1) that the rebel use of children as soldiers will increase the probability of rebel-inflicted CRSV, and (2) that the rebel use of children as soldiers will increase the probability of rebel-inflicted CRSV among groups who have child members, not otherwise. The theoretical argument is in short that groups using children as fighters have lower group cohesion than other groups, increasing the incentive for rebel leadership to promote or tolerate CRSV, and that the lower cognitive ability of child combatants compared to adults is exploited as they are subjected to intense social pressure to fit into the role of a strong and masculine fighter. The hypotheses were tested in a quantitative analysis, the results of which were inconclusive, mainly due to limitations in the data used. Despite this, the analysis further strengthens the support for the relationship between child members and CRSV that has been theorized only recently, and by few scholars. This paper contributes to our understanding about rebel targeting of children and use of CRSV. It also provides avenues for future research, highly recommending future studies disaggregating the roles of children in armed groups with more suitable data.

This thesis examines how women's participation in peace negotiations impacts the gender inclusivity of Truth and Reconciliation Commissions (TRCs) in Côte d'Ivoire, Liberia, and Colombia. It explores whether higher degrees of women's involvement led to more gender-inclusive TRCs, hypothesising that increased participation results in better integration of gender considerations. Using secondary data and primary interviews from Colombia, the study highlights political pressure as a key causal mechanism. Findings reveal that in Côte d'Ivoire, significant grassroots activism by women without formal negotiation roles led to moderate gender inclusivity in the TRC. In Liberia, limited formal participation in peace negotiations, combined with strong grassroots advocacy and post-conflict decision-making roles for women, resulted in a highly gender-inclusive TRC. In Colombia, women's formal involvement in peace negotiations, alongside continuous advocacy by women’s organisations, led to over 100 gender-specific provisions in the peace agreement, fostering a robust gender-inclusive TRC. These results partially support the hypothesis, showing that higher women's participation generally leads to more gender-inclusive TRCs. The research underscores the importance of institutionalising gender perspectives, leveraging political pressure, and ensuring international support to achieve inclusive and sustainable peace processes. It offers practical insights for enhancing gender inclusivity in transitional justice mechanisms like TRCs.