The thesis is focused on discrediting texts on the personalities of Czechoslovak dissidents in years 1977-1979 and 1985-1988. It studies the historical background of these years and describes this problem in the way of critical discourse analysis. Therefore, there is used description of the historical period with analysis of texts in three newspapers, called Rude Právo, Mladá Fronta and Lidová Demokracie. The objective of the work is collection of texts of the newspapers in mentioned period and demonstration of typical discrediting text. First of all, there is pointed what it means "dissent". There are described groups and people, who were connected with these activities. Secondly, there is shown special cause about lawsuit with Václav Havel and Tomáš Řezáč. The perspective is focused on exceptional and special action which was linked with discrediting texts and official law. After that are summarized aspects and significance of discrediting texts. There is hope that this thesis dispels the complex problem of discrediting texts, and that the case for ideology developed through media is clear.

- Direct presidential election in the Czech Republic: reasons, conditions, consequences This diploma thesis is concerned with different aspects of implementation of the direct presidential election in the Czech Republic. It is aimed to discover the actual reasons for passing the Constitutional Act No. 71/2012 Coll., which introduces this institute into the Czech constitutional system. For the purpose of doing so, the thesis is divided into three parts. The first one presents and evaluates particular arguments (historical, political, constitutional, legal etc.), which were used by the proponents of this institute on one hand and by its opponents on the other. The content of the second part is the most extensive as it follows up the comparison of bills attempting to implement the direct presidential election into the Constitutional Act since 2001 up to the present. Therefore this part contains thirteen bills in total, including the one, which later becomes the Act No. 71/2012 Coll. Individual bills are compared and contrasted. The pertinent political and social circumstances accompanying their origin are also briefly mentioned. As the result of this comparison the author comes to the conclusion that the true motive to pass the Constitutional Act No. 71/2012 Coll does not lie in its content or its...

This diploma thesis studies the influence of Sendero Luminoso, Peruvian Maoist guerilla movement, upon the life in Peru. The introductory part deals with the second half of the 20th century Peruvian history that preceded the internal armed conflict. The main part of the thesis focuses on the activity of Sendero Luminoso and counterinsurgency forces in the last two decades of the previous century and on the influence these activities had on the Peruvian population. The final part evaluates the present time (post-2000) influence of Sendero Luminoso in Peru as well as various forms of its presence.

The thesis focuses on the analysis of the process of creating a political image in the course of an election campaign, offering a case study of Magdalena Ogórek's candidacy during the Polish presidential election of 2015. The analysis is preceded by a theoretical introduction which lays down the groundwork for subsequently reporting the empirical findings. The following central terms and concepts are covered: political marketing (especially in the context of post-1989 Poland), political image (with an emphasis on the process of its creation and the parties involved), political language (again, particularly in the context of contemporary Poland), and the notion of stereotype (both linguistic and non-linguistic, with an emphasis on stereotypes about women). The empirical results are reported in three sections which offer different perspectives on the phenomenon under scrutiny. The first part investigates how Magdalena Ogórek herself, her team and PR consultants created her image as a candidate. The second part presents an analysis of the influence that her political opponents had on her political image. The third and final part concerns itself with Magdalena Ogórek's media image, as created by the Polish media during the campaign. The empirical research is based on material collected from the website...

The content of the Diploma "Analysis of Communication Anti-Smoking Campaigns" is firstly the introduction of the issue of social campaigns, its marketing principle and also important elements and aspects which are typical for these campaigns. There is also the presentation of tobacco policy in the Czech Republic and the environment in which we operate. Another important part of the Diploma shows the specific anti-tobacco campaigns and projects that have been realized both in the Czech Republic and the other states and presents analysis of their communication and the key elements and forms which are used in campaigns. Then there is presented a research, which was conducted through a questionnaire and which was answered by 256 respondents. Its main objective was to determine the attitudes and opinions of Czech public towards antismoking policies, their personal experience with specific campaigns and also the perception of policy and consumption of tobacco in the country. Many interesting results emerged from the research. Most of the respondents do not consider anti- smoking policy in the Czech Republic too intense, they also do not trust the effects of anti- smoking campaigns, and they would appreciate harsher and more naturalistic advertising and stricter rules on the use of tobacco and cigarettes.

A la veille de l’élection présidentielle de 2007, la candidate du Parti socialiste, Ségolène Royal, revendique la transformation des modalités classiques d'une campagne électorale au profit de méthodes participatives. Sans rompre avec certaines techniques habituelles du marketing et de la communication politique, cette démarche se fonde sur des expériences délibératives menées au niveau local ou à l’étranger et sur les capacités interactives d’Internet mises au service de nouvelles pratiques démocratiques. Elle participe à la mutation en cours dans les partis politiques, confrontés à des enjeux de démocratie interne et à une interrogation persistante sur leur représentativité. Dans cette thèse, nous mettons en évidence les tensions, les interactions et les formes d’hybridation entre les logiques partisanes et les innovations participatives. Nous montrons comment la construction de dispositifs participatifs agit comme révélateur des rapports de force entre les principaux acteurs du jeu partisan. / In the months preceding the presidential elections of 2007, the Socialist party’s candidate, Ségolène Royal, laid claim to a transformation in traditional electoral campaign tactics in favor of participative methods. These included deliberative experiences both at the local level and abroad, as well as a use of the interactive possibilities of the internet to further new democratic practices, without of course abandoning the more routine techniques used in political marketing and communication. This dissertation explores the tension, interactions, and forms of hybridization that emerged between partisan politics and participative innovations. It highlights the ways the development of participative strategies acts to reveal the power relations between the main actors of the partisan political game.

This study explores the phenomenon of personalization within the political sphere. More specifically, it aims at exploring the strategical personalization of Swedish party leaders during the national election campaign of 2018. A further aim is to generate theoretical contributions to the area of personalization. As empirical material, the social media updates of three party leaders are analyzed under the period of 13 weeks before the election day, using a mixed methodological approach for an in-depth qualitative study. Regarding methodologies, grounded theory and coding is employed along with a rhetorical analysis that enable a systematic analysis of visual messages. The result indicates that the studied party leaders portrayed themselves as an integrated part of society, mediating a sense of presence and acknowledgement of the voters. In addition to this, the party leaders presented themselves as ordinary people and unified with the voters. The result also points to the practice of mediating a sense of social and cultural status, involving influencers in the communication and stepping into roles outside of the explicitly political arena. In terms of theoretical contributions, the generated theory contributes in the sense that it offers additional dimensions to the notion of "self-presentation", which is recognized as a common theme among prior theories. According to prior theories, individual politicians presents themselves as professional politicians and ordinary human beings. While the generated theory supports this perspective, it also highlights the aspect of intentionally integrating the voters into the self-presentations of individual politicians. Moreover, the generated theory emphasizes the perspective of social and cultural significance when regarding self-presentations of representatives.

A presente tese se dedicou a investigar, a partir das doações de campanha, a relação entre o setor empresarial e o sistema político, e qual o peso dos partidos políticos nessa relação. O foco da análise recaiu sobre as receitas de campanha, nas eleições de 2006, para a Câmara dos Deputados, considerando tanto as carreiras individuais dos candidatos como sua filiação partidária. Esta última perspectiva revelou padrões de concentração entre os partidos de centro-direita. Entretanto, quando se desagrega as empresas segundo o setor de atividade e os candidatos segundo o distrito eleitoral, a distribuição de fundos tende a ser heterogênea. Quanto às carreiras individuais, a análise identificou forte influência do capital político dos candidatos, destacando-se a relevância de uma longa trajetória política aliada à experiência em secretarias e ministérios, bem como o estabelecimento de vínculos anteriores com associações patronais. Além dessas evidências empíricas, a presente tese buscou levantar importantes tensões teóricas e dilemas suscitados pelo debate sobre o financiamento de campanha. / This dissertation attempted to investigate the relationship between the corporate sector and the political system and the role parties play on it by examining private donations to political campaigns. The analysis focused on campaign expenditures in the 2006 election for the Chamber of Deputies, accounting both for the candidates career individually and for their party affiliation. The latter perspective revealed patterns of concentration among right wing and center parties. However, when disaggregating the companies by sector of activity and the candidates by electoral district, the share of funds tends to be heterogeneous. Concerning individual careers, the analysis identified marked influence of political capital, especially long-term political trajectories allied with prior experience in secretaries, as well as previous links with employers\' associations. Besides these empirical evidences, this dissertation aimed to raise relevant theoretical tensions and dilemmas brought by the debate on campaign finance.

O propósito desta dissertação consiste em verificar quais seriam as consequências das conexões políticas estabelecidas por algumas empresas de capital aberto no Brasil no que se refere a seu desempenho e acesso a crédito concedido pelo BNDES. O conceito de conexão política é amplo, mas as empresas de capital aberto que fizeram parte da amostra utilizada no trabalho buscam se aproximar do governo de duas maneiras: (i) inserindo em seu conselho de administração membros que atuem (ou que já atuaram) no governo, visando estabelecer um ponto de contato com o Estado, ou ainda, (ii) realizando doações às campanhas políticas brasileiras. Para realizar a análise proposta, utilizaram-se dados do conselho de administração das empresas listadas na BM&F Bovespa no período de 2010 a 2013, informações sobre doações de pessoas jurídicas às campanhas políticas realizadas em 2002, 2006 e 2010, juntamente com outros dados extraídos das demonstrações financeiras das companhias contempladas na amostra. Os testes de regressão múltipla com dados em painel não revelaram significância estatística entre as variáveis de estudo e os indicadores de desempenho e de acesso a crédito concedido pelo BNDES. Embora não conclusivos, os resultados apresentados acrescentam à literatura das conexões políticas motivando a realização de trabalhos futuros que objetivem testar outras hipóteses capazes de explicar quais são os motivos que levam as empresas no Brasil a estabelecerem conexões com o Estado. / The purpose of this dissertation consists in verifying the consequences of political connections established by some Brazilian public companies with respect to their performance and access to credit granted by the BNDES. The concept of political connection is broad, but the public companies used in our sample aim to approach themselves to the government by two means: (i) electing a member of the board of directors that works, or has a history in working in the government, or (ii) donating money to political campaigns. In order to accomplish this analysis, we collected data of the board of directors from public companies listed on the BM&F Bovespa during the period of 2010 to 2013, information on political donations made by companies in Brazil along the years of 2002, 2006 and 2010, as well as data extracted from the sample companies\' financial statements. The multiple regression tests ran with panel data showed no statistical relation between the main variables and the performance indicator or the variable that measures company\'s access to loans provided by BNDES. Although inconclusive, the presented results add to the literature motivating further studies that can test other hypotheses able to explain the reasons that induce companies to establish political connections.

A presente tese se dedicou a investigar, a partir das doações de campanha, a relação entre o setor empresarial e o sistema político, e qual o peso dos partidos políticos nessa relação. O foco da análise recaiu sobre as receitas de campanha, nas eleições de 2006, para a Câmara dos Deputados, considerando tanto as carreiras individuais dos candidatos como sua filiação partidária. Esta última perspectiva revelou padrões de concentração entre os partidos de centro-direita. Entretanto, quando se desagrega as empresas segundo o setor de atividade e os candidatos segundo o distrito eleitoral, a distribuição de fundos tende a ser heterogênea. Quanto às carreiras individuais, a análise identificou forte influência do capital político dos candidatos, destacando-se a relevância de uma longa trajetória política aliada à experiência em secretarias e ministérios, bem como o estabelecimento de vínculos anteriores com associações patronais. Além dessas evidências empíricas, a presente tese buscou levantar importantes tensões teóricas e dilemas suscitados pelo debate sobre o financiamento de campanha. / This dissertation attempted to investigate the relationship between the corporate sector and the political system and the role parties play on it by examining private donations to political campaigns. The analysis focused on campaign expenditures in the 2006 election for the Chamber of Deputies, accounting both for the candidates career individually and for their party affiliation. The latter perspective revealed patterns of concentration among right wing and center parties. However, when disaggregating the companies by sector of activity and the candidates by electoral district, the share of funds tends to be heterogeneous. Concerning individual careers, the analysis identified marked influence of political capital, especially long-term political trajectories allied with prior experience in secretaries, as well as previous links with employers\' associations. Besides these empirical evidences, this dissertation aimed to raise relevant theoretical tensions and dilemmas brought by the debate on campaign finance.