Ce travail a pour but de démontrer que les quatre seigneuries de l'Ontario (Pointe-à-L'Orignal, Katarakoüï et les arrière-fiefs Toneguignon et Belle-Isle) étaient des rejetons du commerce des fourrures français. Conséquemment, le régime seigneurial, tel qu'il était appliqué dans les Pays-d'en-haut, était tout simplement une méthode de gestion de la terre qui permettait au propriétaire de contrôler les ressources naturelles sur sa propriété. Ainsi, les propriétaires de ces seigneuries formèrent une nouvelle classe de seigneurs/entrepreneurs qui se distinguaient des autres seigneurs de la vallée du St-Laurent. De fait, ils ne manifestaient pas d'attachement à la culture seigneuriale. Ce mode de gestion de la terre n'était pour eux qu'un outil grâce auquel ils pouvaient monopoliser les ressources sur leur terre. Le comportement de ces seigneurs des Pays-d'en-Haut, que l'on peut qualifier de phénomène, ressemble étrangement à celui des seigneurs canadien-sanglais capitalistes du 19e siècle.

Hate crime victimization in Canada is a criminal justice issue that has received insufficient attention. To address this lack of information, Statistics Canada included two questions concerning hate crime on the 1999 administration of the General Social Survey. The data from this survey were analyzed for this thesis. Differences between hate crime and non-hate crime respondents were examined. Subsequently, the three most frequently reported hate crime motivation categories of race/ethnicity, sex and culture were compared. The results of the analysis revealed that while differences exist between hate crime and non-hate crime respondents, the main differences appeared between respondents reporting sex-motivated hate crimes and those in the two remaining categories of race/ethnicity and culture. The main variations were in the reasons respondents cited for not reporting the incident to the police and their psychological reactions to the event. Those who perceived their victimization to be based upon their race/ethnicity or culture did not report the incident to the police because they felt it was not important enough. Respondents victimized on the basis of their sex indicated that they did not bring the incident to the attention of the police because they felt the "police do nothing". While respondents of the three motivation categories of hate crime examined in this study reported being fearful as a result of their victimization, respondents who perceived themselves as having been the victim of a sex-based hate crime were substantially less likely than those victimized as a result of their race/ethnicity or culture to report that they were not effected that much.

Cette étude tente de cerner la place des minorités françaises du Canada dans l'oeuvre du prêtre-historien Lionel Groulx, l'un des principaux maîtres à penser du mouvement nationaliste canadien-français pendant la première moitié du vingtième siècle. Depuis une quarantaine d'années, la territorialisation du discours nationaliste--qui s'est recentré presque exclusivement sur le Québec--se reflète dans la production scientifique de la plupart des historiens du nationalisme canadien-français. À peu d'exceptions près, les chercheurs ont eu tendance à négliger la problématique des minorités françaises dans leurs études de la pensée de Groulx, sombrant ainsi dans une certaine forme d'anachronisme. Pourtant, le nationalisme de Groulx débordait largement le Québec et englobait les Canadiens français des autres provinces, voire les Acadiens et les Franco-Américains de la Nouvelle-Angleterre. Son idéologie était issue, d'une manière générale, de la philosophie traditionaliste qui concevait les nations d'abord et avant tout comme des communautés de langue, de culture, d'histoire et de foi engendrées par la Providence. C'était cette philosophie qui poussait Groulx à conclure que les Canadiens français avaient reçu une mission providentielle, celle d'introduire, en Amérique, le christianisme et la civilisation européenne, mission dont ils s'étaient toujours acquittés fidèlement, selon lui. En vertu de ce raisonnement, Groulx put considérer les minorités comme les «vestiges» de l'ancien Empire colonial français, ce qui leur conférait le droit de se développer conformément à leur «génie» national. La définition organique de la nation à laquelle adhérait Groulx assignait aux Canadiens français du Québec, en tant que gardiens du «foyer» de la nation, des devoirs et des responsabilités vis-à-vis de leurs «frères» des avant-postes. Groulx prit lui-même de nombreuses mesures pour favoriser le rapprochement entre Canadiens français de tout le pays. Au lendemain de la Deuxième Guerre mondiale, les jeunes historiens nationalistes, dont plusieurs étaient disciples de Groulx, cherchèrent à «moderniser» la discipline historique, à la rendre plus «scientifique». Ils bannirent donc de leur édifice conceptuel la thèse de l'intervention de la Providence dans l'histoire de la nation canadienne-française. Par conséquent, les néonationalistes croyaient trouver dans le discours sur l'objectivité scientifique la justification conceptuelle nécessaire à l'abandon des minorités françaises qui leur semblaient promises, dès lors, à la disparition. L'affrontement entre la pensée de Groulx et celle des intellectuels néonationalistes sur la question des minorités françaises illustre bien les tiraillements qui ont accompagné la mutation du discours nationaliste au lendemain de la Deuxième Guerre mondiale: d'«organique» qu'il était, celui-ci tendrait de plus en plus vers une forme territoriale.

Contrairement à l'industrie automobile hâtivement dominée par les intérêts américains, les entreprises canadiennes de véhicules d'incendie existent toujours. L'existence de ces manufacturiers canadiens contredit l'interprétation de l'historiographie souvent adoptée qu'au Canada, nous avons perdu notre industrie et notre technologie aux mains des filiales étrangères. Comment alors expliquer cette différence entre les deux secteurs de fabrication? Nous argumenterons que l'industrie canadienne des véhicules d'incendie a survécu principalement à cause de son caractère de production spécialisée qui lui fut prodigué par sa constante recherche à répondre aux besoins particuliers de sa clientèle, réels ou tels que perçus. Ces besoins étaient justifiés et corroborés par la responsabilité civique rattachée à ce service municipal car une majorité de cette clientèle était constituée de municipalités urbaines et rurales. Dans le cadre de cette étude, nous traiterons principalement des trois compagnies manufacturières qui dominaient le marché canadien dans ce secteur de 1945 à 1965: American LaFrance Fire Engine and Foamite Ltd, Bickle/King Seagrave et Camions Pierre Thibault/Pierre Thibault Canada Ltée.

In the complex process of constructing, regulating and negotiating gender identities, the language of dress communicates messages of power and control. During the Victorian period, acceptable dress for middle-class women included wearing a long dress, corset, crinoline, petticoat, and heeled shoes. This was not a constant or fixed dress code however, and through various campaigns, attempts were made to reform women's dress. A study on change in dress, in particular, dress reform, reveals how boundaries of acceptable dress were constantly negotiated by various groups who employed clothing as a means to regulate gender, race and class. Yet, what were dress reform discourses? Who articulated them? What does dress reform reveal about gender and power relations in the nineteenth century? In this dissertation, I explore the process of problematizing dress in Victorian Canada through an analysis of discourses articulated by members of the medical community; reformers and WCTU women active in moral reform and social purity campaigns; as well as commercial retailers. Overall, this dissertation strives to enhance our understanding of the ways in which the dress reform campaign reveals attitudes towards women's bodies, behaviour and their roles in society. This dissertation argues that in Victorian Canada, it was the medical community who assumed the principle role in educating the public on healthy dress. The medical discussion on clothing covered many topics, but centered on three main themes: the need to maintain warm body temperatures through dress; the effects of tight clothing on organs; and the 'unnaturalness' of fashionable dress. The professionalization of Gynaecology and Obstetrics resulted in more physicians trained as experts on women's bodies, and by extension, on all matters related to women's lifestyle and behaviour. Thus, discourses on women's dress often constructed and reinforced a paradigm in which "fashion" was construed as a danger to women's bodies. Hence, medical discourses on women's dress went beyond placing clothing within a localized disease etiology, and addressed broader issues related to Victorian women's lifestyle, marriage and motherhood.

As historian Marianne Ainley maintains in the introduction to Despite the Odds: Essays on Canadian Women in Science, the way in which science is practised and institutionalized has an impact upon the careers of men and women. The purpose of this thesis then is to determine the type of science, and the ways of practising it, employed within the Canadian federal Department of Agriculture. What conscious and subconscious factors influenced the scientific and methodological choices of the leaders of the Department? How did this, in turn, influence the opportunities of women to become involved in science in the years 1884 to 1921? The thesis argues that the professionalization and bureaucratization of science in the Department of Agriculture created distinct opportunities for such involvement, but it also confined them to specific jobs deemed appropriate for their sex. Because the science that was first undertaken in the Department beginning in 1884 emerged from the natural history tradition, women first contributed as unpaid "amateur" observers, collectors, and correspondents. As science professionalized and bureaucratized in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, however, the contributions of unpaid "amateurs" were no longer desired or needed. At this juncture, women were employed as paid assistants and members of the support staff As civil servants, women entered an organization that was undergoing a process of reform and bureaucratizing. As a result, women were subjected to hierarchical and lateral segregation. Women's employment in science in the federal Department of Agriculture followed this pattern. Employed to undertake technical work in seed analysis and scientific work in botany, chemistry, and librarianship in the Department, women were confined to 'women's work' in science. They performed tasks which were undervalued, underpaid, and offered little or no opportunity for advancement, and were, therefore, rejected by men. Over the almost forty year period covered in this thesis, in both peace and war, the work of women followed this pattern. Satisfying the demands generated by the professionalization and bureaucratization of science as well as the reform and bureaucratization of the federal civil service, women were a pivotal part of the scientific workforce of the Canadian federal Department of Agriculture from 1884 to 1921.

Background. U.S. and other studies have established an inverse association between a variety of measures of income inequality and population health. Objectives. To describe income inequality (market income and income after tax) and population health (eight measures) in Canada and the provinces between 1981 and 1996; to establish associations between these variables; and to explore whether the associations are measure dependent. Method. Ecologic, analytic, mixed-design study, based on analysis of existing data. Results. The association between the Gini coefficient (market income) and total mortality was very weak in 1981 and 1986, but very strong in 1991 and 1996. Otherwise, associations between income inequality and different health outcomes were non-existent, weak, or sporadic. Conclusions. Income inequality depends on the income concept used. Associations between income inequality and health are measure dependent. Structural changes in Canadian society may account for the emerging association between income inequality and total mortality from 1991 onwards.

Que l'art appuie ou critique la politique, il reste qu'une relation particulière existe entre l'art et la politique. En constatant cela, nous pouvons nous intéresser aux différents artistes engagés et aux causes qu'ils défendaient pour tenter d'expliquer en profondeur les liens les unissant. Au Québec, le poète-auteur-chanteur, Félix Leclerc, s'est particulièrement illustré en tant qu'artiste engagé. Ce dernier, associé à la cause indépendantiste québécoise, a écrit et chanté ce qu'il souhaitait pour son pays. Nous pouvons constater l'ampleur de son engagement et déterminer ce qui a poussé ce poète à s'allier au mouvement indépendantiste québécois en étudiant son oeuvre, en l'analysant à l'aide du modèle d'analyse des comportement collectifs de Neil Smelser, et finalement en mettant l'idéologie de ce dernier en parallèle avec celle du mouvement indépendantiste québécois.

Harold Innis is arguably the most influential social scientist Canada has ever produced. Nearly fifty years after his death in 1952, his writings on Canadian economic history and history of communication technologies are still highly regarded, still widely cited and still viewed as providing an exceptionally powerful framework for interpreting the histories of societies past and present. The problem, however, is that scholars remain uncertain as to the identity of Innis' framework due to his opaque writing style. There is also a sense in the literature that Innis' work on staples is conceptually linked with later studies tracing the impact of communication technology on the rise and fall of empires in the Near East and Europe. But without a clear conception of his framework, the relationship is difficult to assess. Some scholars have questioned whether Innis' work even has an underlying coherence. The purpose of this study is to suggest Innis' work should be construed as a sustained exploration of the nature of economic and social change. His purpose was to resuscitate the dynamic worldview he associated primarily with the writings of Adam Smith and biological disciplines such as ecology and embryology. To interpret Innis, this study uses the most contemporary expression of ecological change, namely that provided by the science of complexity. Through a reading of Innis' writings on staples, Political Economy in the Modern State, and his two major communication studies, this study suggests Innis' description of change contained several persistent features. The first is he studied systems comprised of multiple agents who by virtue of their interaction displayed emergent properties that persist over time. The North Atlantic trading network was one example. Innis also emphasised that his systems were governed by a variable that maintained a proper balance between freedom and constraint. Without it, self-organisation could not occur. In his early work, the variable was transportation. In the later studies, it was the quantity of circulating information. Finally, Innis pointed to systems governed by formal and final cause. They interacted with their surrounding environment to preserve their formal integrity, and regulate the activities of their constituent parts.

Sport can be a medium for inculcating national passions and also as an outlet for the transmission of these. Indeed, Canadian professional football has made such claims for its game. The Canadian Football League (CFL) uses marketing slogans like "The Canadian Football League: RADICALLY CANADIAN" and "Our Balls are Bigger" in attempts to attract fans and sell CFL merchandise. The League touts itself as being the only truly Canadian professional sports league and describes its championship game, the Grey Cup, as a national unifying event. In order to answer the general question: How Canadian is the CFL, the study examines the following specific questions: what are the Canadian specificities of the game?, who controls the game?, who plays the game?, how is the game portrayed? Contrary to its rhetoric, the Canadian Football League is a misnomer. The CFL seizes upon the nationalistic passions of the fan base to further its growth while marginalizing the participation of the Canadian player. In fact, the CFL is Canadian in rules only and has, throughout its history, been subject to relentless forces of Americanisation. Using empirical quantitative data for the CFL from 1990--2000 as well as qualitative data throughout the CFL's history, the study demonstrates the diverse ways in which these forces manifest themselves.