This dissertation examines how Jewish children of Holocaust survivors (COS), growing up in the 1950s in a small city in Ontario engaged with popular culture. Set within the context of a predominantly English-speaking Christian environment, this culture frequently did not represent them. It often excluded their knowledge and lived experiences and thus forced them to be silent. Utilizing an oral history approach, nine children of survivors were interviewed about their elementary school years and growing up in the fifties. The history of postwar Canada serves as the framework for how adults remember the meanings they made of their childhood experiences and how they incorporated these stories into the personal scripts of their lives. Their memories of childhood reflect the discourses that shaped them, discourses that are situated in the language and the images of a society and within the wider historical and social structure of that society. Individuals, however, do not fit into neat categories. Positioning their stories within the larger context of postwar Canada, while also accommodating the diverse meanings they made from their historical positions required a multi-disciplinary orientation. Therefore, a historical framework anchors the narratives and serves as a backdrop for the personal childhood memories of children of survivors. Specifically, the thesis draws on four areas of literature: the literature on children of survivors; cultural studies, which helps make sense of the variety of experiences, their relational character and the discourses through which they operate; various historical literatures which establish the historical context for the remembered accounts; and anti-racist education which provides some of the tools for analysis. Through their oral testimonies, we begin to see how, as children, they entered, mediated and often transformed the representations of television and the movies to create their own subjective and social possibilities. Their "narratives of redemption" enabled them to negotiate the divides between the representations of themselves and the representations of the popular culture around them.

This thesis attempts a comparative analysis of the ideological networks that run through and shape each of the three French translations of Lord Durham's Report. It endeavours to explain how the different ideological currents which contributed to the development of social discourse in Quebec since the uprisings of the Patriotes in 1837-38 and the publication of Lord Durham's Report in 1839, become inscribed in the 150 years or so of the history of Lord Durham's Report in translation. The first chapter sets out the socio-political context proper to Lord Durham's Report as source text, to each of its translations, and to the long intermediary period between the first and second translations. This type of contextualization allows, among other things, for an understanding of both the presence and the absence of Lord Durham's Report as an object of social discourse at certain given moments in the political history of Quebec and Canada. The second chapter presents the actual comparative analysis of the principal ideologems that underlie the discursive formations at work in the socio-political discourse of French Canada or Quebec. In concrete terms, our analysis approaches these ideologems by means of synchronic variations of utterances (of which are considered strictly the modifications of an ideological type). Finally, the third chapter examines the antagonistic relation between the French and the English as it presents itself in the composition of the different translations of Lord Durham's Report. The diachronic invariant that can be singled out tends toward an ideological presupposition that we choose to call "conquetisme" and which has, contrary to the ideologems studied in the second chapter, the Conquest as a specific object of discourse. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)

The subject for this thesis was the Mohawk Crisis at Oka, Quebec during the summer of 1990. The theoretical framework underlining the study was Antonio Gramsci's concept of a crisis of hegemony or legitimation crisis as applied by Stuart Hall et al. (1978). Within this theoretical framework the media are viewed as an ideological mechanism perpetuating the existing hegemonic relationship. The research undertook to apply this social theory to the Mohawk Crisis and examine the ideological discourse in the media coverage of the Crisis. Press reports taken from the Globe and Mail and Montreal Gazette were analyzed using quantitative content analysis and a qualitative exploratory technique. The following two general theses were examined: firstly, that ideological discourse would be apparent in media coverage of the 1990 Mohawk Crisis and, secondly, that the media supported an official 'law and order' campaign during the Mohawk Crisis. Further, two more specific hypotheses were tested in individual chapters which present the results of the quantitative content analysis. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)

L'objectif de cette recherche est de cerner les forces nationalistes en presence lors de la Convention d'orientation nationale acadienne (CONA) de 1979. Ce grand rassemblement, dont le but etait d'amener les Acadiens a reflechir sur le degre de pouvoir souhaite dans un eventuel projet politique, constitue un modele symbolique des divers discours nationalistes traversant l'Acadie du Nouveau-Brunswick a ce moment. Elle represente d'ailleurs un evenement privilegie d'analyse de l'indecision identitaire qui caracterise les groupes nationalitaires, dans la mesure ou plusieurs discours et projets politiques ont ete defendus. En effet, un tres grand nombre de participants a la CONA ont choisi une option autonomiste (province ou pays acadien) comme leur choix d'un eventuel projet collectif. Inversement, les representants des partis politiques traditionnels, ainsi que le journal acadien l'Evangeline, ont maintenu vivement que l'epanouissement de la communaute acadienne pouvait se faire a l'interieur des structures actuelles de la province. Consequemment, l'orientation politique mise de l'avant par les participants a la CONA ne s'est jamais concretisee. Cette recherche tente d'expliquer ce phenomene en etudiant les rapports de force entre les acteurs entourant la CONA. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)

South Africa's notorious apartheid policy has become an easily identifiable analogy for countries where indigenous populations have been dispossessed of their land and their traditional social structures destroyed. The question "Is this apartheid?" challenges the historical validity of parallels drawn between Canada's native policies and apartheid. The "civilizing" missions of European intruders on the shores of what were to become Canada and South Africa followed distinctive paths in their relationship with indigenous populations. While slavery and wars of conquest paved the way for racial conflict in Southern Africa, mutual cooperation epitomized aboriginal relations in colonial Canada. While reserves in Canada were designed to prepare indigenous people for assimilation into the dominant society, South African reserves became reservoirs of cheap African labour under the National Party's apartheid government which came to power in 1948. The years 1960-1982 marked a critical period in the history of both Canada and South Africa. First Nations communities renewed assertions of aboriginal land rights and self-government. Unlike native Canadians, who asserted their aboriginal and treaty rights within the democratic and constitutional structures of Canada, African resistance repudiated the legitimacy of the apartheid government and fought for the fundamental right of all South Africans to democracy and for an integrated, non-racial state. Three core characteristics of apartheid (the lack of labour rights, the lack of democratic rights and the lack of freedom of association) provide the criteria in addressing the question "Is this apartheid?" The conclusions are clear: while Canada's First Nations have been seriously disadvantaged by paternalism, assimilationist policies and injustice, they have not experienced apartheid. Government policies and aboriginal problems are not addressed by equating Canada with apartheid South Africa. They are Canadian problems with Canadian solutions. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)

During the term of Philippe de Rigaud de Vaudreuil as governor of New France (1703-1725), diplomacy involving the French and the Amerindian nations to the west of Montreal was conducted in accordance with diplomatic protocols of Amerindian origin. Diplomatic relations between the Amerindians and the French were predicated on the basis of a fictive kinship relationship, wherein the French governor assumed the Amerindian title Onontio and the role of a "father" to his Amerindian "children." The forum for formal intercultural encounters was the council, an Amerindian institution that consisted of a structured dialogue between two parties, punctuated by the exchange of validating gifts. The diplomatic culture of the French made few inroads into the intercultural diplomacy of the period. Neither the Amerindian nor the French diplomats of the period acted as comprehensive cultural mediators during diplomatic encounters. Vaudreuil's corps of diplomatic agents was largely made up of military officers, seconded by interpreters. All of these agents were ethnic Frenchmen, although many interpreters benefited from intermarriage with synethnic and Amerindian women. Few agents cultivated long-term ties with Amerindian groups, or mastered Amerindian languages; those that did were to be found in the lower ranks of colonial society. In general, French agents were primarily interested in exploiting diplomatic ties with Amerindians in order to advance both French interests and their personal careers. French diplomatic agents adopted and learned to manipulate selected Amerindian diplomatic protocols in order to fulfill these goals. Although the French made extensive cultural adaptations in the realm of diplomacy, their motives were pragmatic, and their acculturation limited. The value and meaning with which they invested these alien diplomatic institutions were different form those the Amerindians accorded to the same forms. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)

Successive Canadian governments have been criticised on the ground that they pursue investment policy that advances the interests of the United States of America and its transnational corporations. Recently the focus of such criticism has been the investment provisions of the Canada-U.S. Free Trade Agreement ("FTA") and the North American Free Trade Agreement ("NAFTA"). This dissertation attempts to rationalize the investment provisions of the above mentioned agreements. While undertaking such an analysis, this dissertation reviews the origins and evolution of the debate on foreign direct investment policy of Canada. A preview on the historical perspective of this policy in this dissertation identifies the traditional concerns vis-a-vis foreign direct investments in Canada, especially in the U.S. context and contrasts these against the investment provisions of the FTA and the NAFTA. There has, over the last forty years, clearly been some changes in the foreign investment policy of Canada. What this policy was and how it has undergone a change is the subject matter of this dissertation. Why were the policies adopted by Canada aimed at curtailing foreign control and ownership of Canadian business enterprises? How does Canadian policy fair vis-a-vis those of other industrialised countries? What does liberalization of foreign investment mean for Canada in economic and legal terms? These are some of the other questions that this dissertation attempts to answer.

Between 33,000 and 55,000 British North Americans (BNAs) fought in the American Civil War. Historians though, have largely overlooked or misinterpreted the BNAs' contribution. Most historical accounts portray BNAs as mercenaries, bounty jumpers, or as the victims of press gangs. Many works imply that most BNAs were kidnapped, or drugged and hauled while unconscious across the border to "volunteer." We are also told that BNAs expended enormous amounts of energy attempting to secure their discharges, and of necessity, had to be placed under guard to prevent their desertion. Nowhere, however, are we informed about average BNAs. Most were neither victims nor abusers of the American recruitment system. Unfortunately, their large and significant contributions to the Union's war effort are all but lost, as historians have tried to capture the more exciting and extraordinary side of BNA recruitment. Such an unbalanced portrayal of BNAs characterizes them as inferior soldiers, and that is a disservice to both BNAs, and to the units in which they served. Much of the misunderstanding surrounding BNAs stems from the lack of a common definition for BNA, and through a failure by researchers to appreciate the significance of the changing nature of the Civil War soldiers' enlistment motivations. My study, on the other hand, concentrates on average BNAs and, in the process, tries to come to grips with their true reasons for enlisting. In the end, the payoff is a more balanced depiction of BNA troops; and the discovery that BNAs were not a homogeneous group of men. There were two basic types: those who resided in the United States before their enlistment, and those who crossed the frontier from the British provinces to volunteer. Both types were willing recruits, but otherwise they showed unique characteristics and enrollment behaviour. American resident BNAs enlisted in patterns much like their American neighbours and friends, while British North American resident BNAs were, in the main, driven by the enlistment bounty. The distinction is important if a better understanding of BNAs is to be achieved.

In reaction to A.R.M. Lower's forest studies, which emphasize the role of markets and tariffs, it is argued that both capital and labour demonstrate extensive agency during the transition between Canada's exports of lumber to Britain and the United States. A series of micro-studies explore the socio-economic transition from colonial to corporate forestry, within a regional framework integrating rural and urban experiences. The succession between economies is examined, from fur to lumber, land speculation, to merchant capital and pioneer sawmilling, to the Ottawa Valley capitalist. The example, James MacLaren, used kinship capital pools and strategic business alliances to rise to the position of independent capitalist lumberman and Bank president. The labour institutions upon which his business was based, the shanty and the timber cove, were anchored to a web of household economies, both urban and rural. Families drew on monthly shanty wages. The shanty was common ground for small kin-groups of local farm workers, urban sawmiil workers, migrant workers, and a core of professional lumberers, resident in Ottawa. Staggered waves of arrival and departure show flexibility in when one decided to leave the farm for the shanty, implying it was a complementary institution. MacLaren's cove in Quebec City also accommodated rural workers amid numerous small non-union strikes. Across the harbour, timber ship labourers, divided over ethnicity and technology, coalesced violently into one of the country's strongest unions. As industrial lumber barges replaced rafts, sawmills replaced coves as export points. MacLaren used both to sell to British and U.S. markets simultaneously, expanding his investments into Vermont and New York. His capital was redeployed in resource developments, such as mining and railways, or local real estate, in a regional pattern that cut across the "Empire of the St. Lawrence". His connections were with American investors or competitors--Cleveland steel elites or the House of Morgan. The Bank of Ottawa, built upon his gathering of local groupings of capital, eventually found regional identity a hinderance in raising capital. Unable to make inroads into other markets, it merged with the Bank of Nova Scotia. In 1904 a successful appeal was made to the State to close timber limits against settlement. This was to make forests more acceptable as collateral to make the transition to pulp and paper. Couched in the discourse of fire, the closing of the forest common marks the true end of the frontier. For Quebec, this is the final abandonment of agrarian colonisation for a development model based on state supported large scale corporate forestry, mining and hydro-electric development.

Abstract Not Available.