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Oligarchic Cartelization in Post-Suharto IndonesiaHargens, Bonifasius - 01 January 2020 (has links)
A few ruling individuals from party organizations overpowered Indonesia's post-authoritarian, representative democracy. The legislative process of the 2017 Election Act was the case study employed to examine this assumption. The underlying thinking was that there was a contest between “wealth power” (oligarchy) and “participation power” (democracy). The power of wealth controls the party and government institutions. Notwithstanding the presence of participation power, there was, however, no balance between wealth power and participation power, because the formal control of politics was in the hands of party oligarchs. The study purpose was to bridge the gap in knowledge by exploring how the party oligarchs maintained the policymaking, reputedly using cartelized strategies, to defend the status quo. By employing the oligarchy and cartelization theories, the central research question of this inquiry focused on how the party oligarchs, allegedly using cartel work-patterns, mastered the policy process in post-Suharto Indonesia. A qualitative case-study was used with in-depth interviews with 15 participants for data collection and the N-Vivo program for data analysis. Qualitative findings indicated that the party oligarchs engineered the legal process in parliament applying cartelized strategies to defend privileges they obtained from collusive interpenetration with the state. The implications for social change include informing members of parliament, other policymakers, and civil society groups of the cruciality of comprehending the modus operandi of oligarchic cartels. Understanding the “oligarchic cartelization” theoretical postulate is a fundamental step for party members to improve their performance in public offices. The results of this study can also be a useful reference for pro-democracy activists to defend the ontological essence of public participation in implementing representative democracy at an appropriate level.
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Cartelization and the State of Political Parties: A Comparative Study of Party Organization in the United States, Germany and PolandTroicki, Juliane January 2010 (has links)
This dissertation studies political party organization in the United States, Germany and Poland during national election campaigns and regular party operations. According to conventional wisdom, changes in party organization, such as professionalized campaigns and communications technology, have detrimental effects on political parties. Katz and Mair argue (1995) that political parties have become agents of the state and fail to provide linkage between the state and the electorate due to these changes in party organization. As cartel parties, political parties are then financially dependent on the state and do not need the support of the electorate. Katz and Mair further suggest that developing a closer relationship with the state has weakened political parties, especially the party on the ground. This dissertation tests whether Katz and Mair's cartel theory applies to political parties in the United States, Germany and Poland examining the parties' organizations during and in between election campaigns and finds that the political parties do not confirm the cartel theory. American and German political parties do not primarily rely on government financing and possess too strong of an electoral linkage to their voters to be considered cartel parties. Political parties in Poland better fit with the cartel theory due to strong financial ties with the state and insufficient linkage with their electorate, both inside and outside of election campaigns. This dissertation argues that the cartel thesis should not be considered a theory since it cannot explain observations regarding political parties and their organizations in the United States, Germany and Poland. Instead, the cartel thesis should be considered a heuristic tool to characterize political parties, continuing the tradition of prior descriptive party models such as those of the mass and the catch-all parties. / Political Science
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Competitive, Accommodative or Neither? : An Examination of two Swedish Parties Competitiveness while in Opposition and Support Party Status / Konflikt, ackommidering eller ingetdera? : En undersökning av två svenska partiers konfliktfylldhet under sin tid som opposition- och stödpartiGunnarsson, Nathalie January 2020 (has links)
This research aims to contribute to the knowledge gap about opposition and support parties’ competitive behaviour in minority situations where no party have a majority in the parliament. Two Swedish parties - the Centre Party and the Left Party - will be examined to answer the two overarching research questions. Namely, 1) how does the competitive behaviour of parties vary in relation to a party’s role as a support party or opposition party? And 2) does the result support the cartel party thesis or the model of classic opposition? The competitive behaviour was measured in regards to counter proposals, standpoints and reservations on the governmental propositions. This was done through a quantitative content analysis of committee reports during four terms of office. The results indicate that both parties were more competitive during their time in opposition compared to in support status. This supports the model of classic opposition and rejects the cartel party thesis.
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Bavorská CSU a rakouská ÖVP : postmateriální společnost, kartelizované politické strany? / Bavarian CSU and Austrian ÖVP: Postmaterialist Society, Cartel Parties?Bobek, Pavel January 2012 (has links)
Both the Bavarian and Austrian societies have been undergoing a broad process of change since 1945: they have experienced a long period of economical growth, a rise of standards in terms of social welfare and education, and thus a value change and a switch to at least partly postmaterial society. Accompanying this change, however, there has also been more public disapproval towards the official policies, the number of people going to the polls has sunk and so has the number of people who are likely to become involved in party politics. Particularly the big, dominant catch-all parties, such as CSU (Christian Social Union of Bavaria) and ÖVP (Austrian People's Party), have been losing their voters and members. As the thesis shows, the developments in both societies are quite similar, as the political culture of Bavaria and Austria - in spite of certain differences - shares many common characteristics. Also, both CSU and ÖVP did partly manage to adapt to the new circumstances, particularly in terms of party funding. Anyway, they did not fully follow the pattern of cartelisation to pursue this adaptation. This reveals the link between postmaterialist change and the development to cartel party to be only partly valid; however, both theories have proved to be helpful in understanding processes taking...
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Etablerade partiers agerande efter populismens intåg i Sverige : En kvalitativ innehållsanalys av kommunikationsstrategin hos tre svenska partier / The behaviour of established parties after the entrance of populism in Sweden : - A qualitative content analysis of the communication strategy of three Swedish partiesJohansson, Alvina January 2023 (has links)
Populism as a phenomenon is increasing in Europe. This study is therefore centred on howpopulist parties affect mainstream parties when entering the parliament. Moreover this studyresearches how party behaviour theories such as the median voter theorem and cartel partytheory explains mainstream parties' transition on the political and ideological scale when apopulist party is included in the parliament. This study aims to identify populistic discourse in Swedish parties election manifestos. Additionally, examine if the degree of populisticdiscourse differs from the year 2010 when the populist party entered the parliament, the yearof 2018 and the year of 2022 when the populist party entered an alliance with the government.The methodical approach for this research has been a qualitative content analysis. The categories for populist communication strategy attempts to contribute with an operationalization, a measuring instrument of populism in the empirical material. Moreoverthe categories is based on Jan Jagers and Steffan Walgraves theory surrounding populism as a political communication-style. The eight units of analysis are the election manifestos of the Swedish parties: The christ democratic party, the moderate party and the sweden democrats. The empirical research shows that populism as a communication style appears within the election manifestos and that the degree of populist rhetoric differs within the mainstream parties from when the populist party entered the parliament in 2010 and government alliancein 2022.
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