本文旨在研究明儒郝敬之經學業績及其經學巨作《九經解》對清初經學之興起，對理學到經學的典範轉移所起的全面而決定性的影響。本文是從思想史角度研究郝敬經學之發生及其動力。 / 以掛冠歸家、閉戶解經為標誌，郝敬的生涯被劃分成了前後兩個完全不同的階段。前經學時期作為士大夫的郝敬，其志趣乃是為政與文人生活。在他完成解經後，我們可以看到他的種種轉變：由早年的喜好佛道而轉向對佛老的激烈批判，從而區別於晚明盛行的三教合一論者；與此一體的是他重整作為儒家禮教重心的喪、祭二禮；他由早年的仰慕李贄而轉向激烈批判李贄。這些都可視為批評異端的行為。而就儒學內部而言，他亦由早年的喜好理學而轉向對之作全面的系統性批評，批評其中所參雜的佛學。他的走向全面解經亦同時意味著對於朱子經學的全面性批判，他反對將《大學》、《中庸》從《禮記》中單獨抽出而與《論語》、《孟子》合為《四書》，欲以《九經》的架構取代朱子的理學建構下的《四書五經》的架構。郝敬所做的這一層層的破的工作，最後，是要回到孔子及其原典《論語》那裡。將這些選擇性行為合而觀之，可視為他對“純化儒學之追求，這點正是後來清學之追求所在。這些討論亦顯示經學這一知識樣態乃是儒學的整體性變化的一部分。 / 郝敬經解既區別于理學解經之追求“宗旨，亦區別于漢儒解經之重在訓詁，是要在宋儒解經與漢儒解經之外，建立另一新的解經系統。他批評後世儒者解經“專執典要，而強調“不可為典要，又強調“識、“辨，由此形成其作為群經辨偽之集大成之解經特色。這同時也帶來他的經解既富創辟，同時又有臆斷的特色。 / 郝敬經解極大影響了復社的陳子龍（1608-1647）、朱鶴齡（1606-1683）、朱朝瑛（1605-1670）、錢澄之（1612-1694）、陳啟源（？-1689）等。它對黃宗羲（1610-1695）、黃宗炎（1616-1686）兄弟由心學轉向經學起了決定性作用，黃氏甬上講經會正是讀郝敬經解。郝敬經學更影響黃宗羲的下一代人，如門人萬斯大（1633-1683）、萬斯同（1638-1702）兄弟以及與他們交遊的閻若璩（1636-1704）、姚際恒（1647-約1715）、毛奇齡（1623-1716）、胡渭（1633-1714）、朱彝尊（1629-1709）這一活躍在京師北京的清初經學最重要的文人圈。萬斯大評價郝敬 “窮經者盡宗之，一語道出了郝敬經學在當時的“宗師位置。而被清儒視為清代經學開山者的閻若璩、胡渭之立說乃直接出自郝敬。從郝敬的經學到清初的經學辨偽，可以看到清學是從晚明內部自然產生出來的，郝敬對於清學的發生所起的作用比顧炎武（1613-1682）、黃宗羲、閻若璩、胡渭等更直接、更早，也更全方位。 / 在清初，《康熙字典》、御撰各經的傳說，以及其他種種御制、欽定著作都大量引用郝敬之說。清初私塾課本對於各經的解釋都收有郝敬的東西，可以看出郝敬對於清代從國家、士人到民間私塾各個層面的全面影響。由郝敬對於晚明、清初經學的全方位影響，直至持續影響到雍正以至乾隆初年近百年這些眾多的材料證明：由於郝敬《九經解》的出現，清人所謂明人無學無經學之說可休矣。郝敬以一人之偉力，以其《九經解》全面開啟了清代經學。 / 郝敬既全面批評朱子，又激烈批評鄭玄關於《三禮》的訓詁，尤其是其攻鄭玄，終於使得郝敬之經著雖然影響了各個層面的學問，而受其影響者的著作反被大量收入於《四庫》，其中有的亦被視為清學之開山，而郝敬的經學著作卻沒有一本收錄於《四庫》，都只在存目，趨於湮沒。郝敬經學在後世湮沒的另一個原因則是乾嘉家法，即新的學術典範的出現以及愈來愈嚴厲化的典範展現。 / This thesis studies the comprehensive influence of the Ming Dynasty Confucian Hao Jing's study of the Confucian classics and his great work Jiujing jie (Interpretation of Nine Classics) on the characteristics of early Qing study of Confucian classics, which reveals a paradigmatic shift from the learning of Neo-Confucianism prevailing in the Ming. / It begins with a detailed study of Hao Jing’s career as a Confucian scholar-official. Hao Jing's career is divided into two rather different stages, marked by his resigning office and returning home for study of the Confucian classics. In the earlier stage, he was a scholar-official, devoted to governmental affairs but also living parts of a life of a man of letters. He changed in many aspects after he completed his work on re-interpreting the Confucian classics. One notable change is his strong criticism of Buddhism and Daoism, thus delineating himself from the advocacy of the syncretism of “three religions of Confucianism , Daoism and Buddhism that prevailed in the late Ming Dynasty. As a result , he proposed restructured funeral and sacrifice etiquettes that were the center of Confucian rituals. He gave up his admiration for Li Zhi, the late Ming critic of traditional values and conformities, but criticized him sharply. As for the study of Confucianism , Hao Jing no longer loved Neo-Confucianism as he did in his early years. Relatedly, he launched systematic criticism of Buddhist elements in Neo-Confucianism. His total involvement in re-interpreting the Confucian classics also meant his all out criticism of Zhu Xi’s Neo-Confucianism. He was against the separation of the Daxue (The Great Learning) and the Zhongyong (The Doctrine of the Mean) from the Liji (Book of Rites) and their subsequent merge with The Confucian Analects and The Mencius to form the Sishu (The Four Books). He proposed to replace the structure of Sishu wujing (The Four Books and Five Classics) under the Neo-Confucian framework established by Zhu Xi by a structure of Jiujing (Nine Classics). The originality of Hao Jing can be traced to the personality of Confucius and his words in The Confucian Analects. Hao Jing’s words and deeds can be considered as reflections of his pursuit of “purified Confucianism, which was what mainstream Qing Confucian scholarship was seeking for. Hao’s classical discourses reveal a solid part of the overal changes in Confucianism of Ming and Qing times. / Different from Neo-Confucian pursuits of doctrinal “tenets （zongzhi）and Han Confucian exegesis that highlights annotation of words in ancient books, Hao’s interpretations of the Confucian classics were intended to establish a new system of classics exegesis. While criticizing later Confucians for “insisting on fixed standards in interpreting the classics, he stressed that Confucians should be capable of “understanding the truth of the classics and “distinguishing the falsification of classical texts. He is a master of that. But that also led to his novel but arbitrary interpretations of the classics. / Hao Jing's classical exegesis exerted tremendous influence on many members of the Fu Society (a noted literary society in late Ming Dynasty), such as Chen Zilong（16081647）, Zhu Heling（1606-1683）, Zhu Chaoying（16051670）, Qian Chengzhi（1612-1694) , and Chen Qiyuan （？-1689）. He also had huge impact on Huang Zongxi（1610-1695）and his brother Huang Zongyan（1616-1686）in their deemphasizing the philosophy of the mind and advocacy of studying the Confucian classics. Huang often read Hao's exegesis at gatherings of reading classics（jiangjinghui） in Yongshang. He even influenced Huang Zongxi’s disciples, like Wan Sida（1633-1683） and his brother Wan Sitong（1638-1702） as well as their friends like Yan Ruoju（1636-1704）, Yao Jiheng (1647- about 1715) , Hu Wei（1633-1714）and Zhu Yizun(1629-1709), who were active in scholarly circles with interests in classical studying in Beijing in the early Qing Dynasty. Wan Sida commented Hao this way: " Those who endeavor to delve into the classics all revere him as a master". The scholarly achievements of Yan Ruoju and Hu Wei, founder of classical studies of the Qing Dynasty, also owed much to the works of Hao. This then points to the origins of early Qing approach to classical scholarship in the late Ming. In the Ming-Qing transition, Hao played a role that contributed more directly and comprehensively than that of Gu Yanwu（1613-1682）,Huang Zongxi, Yan Ruoju and Hu Wei. / In the early Qing, the imperially-sponsored Kangxi Dictionary, the classical commentaries the Kangxi emperor authored, and many other works attributed to the emperors or sanctioned by them, quoted liberally from Hao's works and cited a multitude of his views and points.Hao’s interpretations on the classics were even included in the textbooks of private schools. Hao's widespread influence ranged from the state level to the general public. His influence on classical study continued until the reign of Yongzheng and early period of Qianlong. Because of the impact of Hao’s scholarship for nearly 100 years, we have strong evidence to consider the Qing Dynasty criticism that "Ming Dynasty lacked classical scholarship groundless. Hao's Interpretation on the Nine Classics, which ushered in Qing style classical study, bore relevance to classical scholarship from the Tianqi and Chongzhen periods of the Ming to the Qianlong period of the Qing a century-long period. / The ebbs of Hao Jing’s influence was due to a paradigmatic change in the heydays of the Qianlong-Jiaqing periodlate 18th century to early 19th century. Hao Jing criticized Zhu Zi roundly, and attacked Zheng Xuan's exegesis of the Three Rites violently.Thus he offended the ideological orthodoxy and the scholarly orthodoxy. As a result, many of his works were excluded from copying into the Siku Quanshu (Complete Library of the Four Branches of Chinese Works). They were only catalogued with abstracts critical of their contents. Eventually they were forgotten by later generations. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 謝茂松. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2012. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 464-488) / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / Xie Maosong. / Chapter 第一章 --- 郝敬經學與明清學術轉型之重釋 --- p.5 / Chapter 第一節 --- 引言 --- p.5 / Chapter 第二節 --- 明清學術轉型研究 --- p.10 / Chapter 一 --- 梁啟超：清學為對宋明理學之反動 --- p.10 / Chapter 二 --- 錢穆：晚明從“個別經驗轉向“共同經驗 --- p.12 / Chapter 三 --- 馬克思主義史學：清代考證學開山的認定 --- p.17 / Chapter （一） --- 侯外廬：考證學的開山 --- p.17 / Chapter （二） --- 嵇文甫：晚明心學與古學 --- p.19 / Chapter 四 --- 近期研究進路 --- p.22 / Chapter （一） --- 余英時：內在理路說 --- p.22 / Chapter （二） --- 林慶彰：回歸原典與群經辨偽 --- p.24 / Chapter （三） --- 龔鵬程：晚明的復古·經學·博雅傳統 --- p.25 / Chapter （四） --- 艾爾曼、包弼德：累積式研究方法 --- p.27 / Chapter （五） --- 周啟榮、張壽安、伊東貴之：儒家禮教主義的興起 --- p.28 / Chapter （六） --- 王汎森：講經會與清學發生 --- p.34 / Chapter 五 --- 以郝敬為視點梳理明清學術轉型研究 --- p.38 / Chapter 六 --- 小結 --- p.44 / Chapter 第三節 --- 郝敬研究回顧 --- p.47 / Chapter 一 --- 郝敬經學研究 --- p.47 / Chapter （一） --- 郝敬《尚書》學研究 --- p.47 / Chapter （二） --- 郝敬著作考與郝敬《詩經》學研究 --- p.51 / Chapter （三） --- 郝敬《四書》學研究 --- p.52 / Chapter 二 --- 郝敬哲學研究 --- p.54 / Chapter 第四節 --- 郝敬經學：事實、影響與遺忘 --- p.57 / Chapter 第二章 --- 前經學時期郝敬的治政表現與經世關懷 --- p.60 / Chapter 第一節 --- 地方治政表現 --- p.61 / Chapter 一 --- 初仕嚴急與庭無滯事：縉雲與永嘉 --- p.62 / Chapter 二 --- “聖諭俗講：江陰 --- p.64 / Chapter 第二節 --- 朝政經世關懷：錢法、屯守、罷兵 --- p.82 / Chapter 一 --- 軍餉、錢法、屯田 --- p.85 / Chapter （一） --- 軍餉：挪移額稅 --- p.85 / Chapter （二） --- 錢法：《請行錢法疏》 --- p.88 / Chapter （三） --- 屯田 --- p.95 / Chapter 二 --- 屯守遼東：兼論《天山評》 --- p.101 / Chapter 三 --- 罷朝鮮兵與彈劾輔臣 --- p.110 / Chapter 四 --- 采珠、開礦、開店、增稅、籍沒家財 --- p.114 / Chapter 小結 --- p.115 / Chapter 第三章 --- 前經學時期郝敬的文人生活 --- p.119 / Chapter 第一節 --- 父師影響 --- p.119 / Chapter 一 --- 達士：父郝承健 --- p.119 / Chapter 二 --- 文苑領袖：師李維楨 --- p.131 / Chapter 第二節 --- 詩文、書畫、酒、游山、玄談 --- p.138 / Chapter 一 --- 寡交遊：初仕縉雲 --- p.138 / Chapter 二 --- 廣交遊：繼仕永嘉 --- p.139 / Chapter （一） --- 文人、山人、僧道 --- p.139 / Chapter （二） --- 鮑觀白：性命之學 --- p.147 / Chapter （三） --- 袁宏道：縣令生活的比較 --- p.149 / Chapter 第三節 --- 年輕官員的集會：京師生涯 --- p.150 / Chapter 第四節 --- 學作畫：江陰生活 --- p.169 / Chapter 第五節 --- 致仕生活：修園、作畫、好佛 --- p.172 / Chapter 一 --- 作畫、搜集青銅器 --- p.172 / Chapter 二 --- 拓展康樂園與禮佛 --- p.174 / Chapter 三 --- 萬曆皇帝：無盡的感念 --- p.176 / Chapter 第四章 --- 純化儒學的追求（一）：佛老與李贄批判 --- p.177 / Chapter 第一節 --- 嚴儒、佛、道之辨 --- p.177 / Chapter 第二節 --- 重視儒禮與重新制禮 --- p.195 / Chapter 第三節 --- 李贄批判 --- p.207 / Chapter 一 --- 文本批判：郝敬《閑邪記》與李贄《藏書》 --- p.207 / Chapter （一） --- “狂狷論 --- p.211 / Chapter （二） --- “真聖人與“假道學 --- p.222 / Chapter （三） --- “奉佛法為陰符 --- p.226 / Chapter 二 --- 李贄批判的比較 --- p.233 / Chapter 第五章 --- 純化儒學的追求（二）：全面批判理學與閉戶解經 --- p.238 / Chapter 第一節 --- 沉潛：閉戶解經 --- p.238 / Chapter 一 --- 念茲在茲：閉戶明經 --- p.238 / Chapter 二 --- 初涉經學：在永嘉 --- p.239 / Chapter 三 --- 閉戶注經：內在動力 --- p.242 / Chapter 四 --- 送《九經解》 --- p.246 / Chapter 五 --- 聲譽鵲起：《九經解》之刊刻 --- p.247 / Chapter 第二節 --- 說“不：對士人生活的反省與行為選擇 --- p.251 / Chapter 一 --- 不交官府 --- p.251 / Chapter 二 --- 不講學 --- p.255 / Chapter 三 --- 不作序、點主、墓銘 --- p.256 / Chapter 四 --- 庸常修身 --- p.260 / Chapter 第三節 --- 從佛老、理學到經學的轉變：《知言》與《時習新知》之比較 --- p.262 / Chapter 一 --- 《知言》與《時習新知》之異同 --- p.265 / Chapter 二 --- 《時習新知》的思想脈絡 --- p.269 / Chapter （一） --- 理學概念：轉換與超越 --- p.269 / Chapter （二） --- 理學批評 --- p.278 / Chapter （三） --- 辟佛道 --- p.291 / Chapter （四） --- 學惟《論語》為正宗 --- p.294 / Chapter （五） --- 時習新知 --- p.296 / Chapter （六） --- 古今學行與經解評議 --- p.297 / Chapter 第四節 --- 朱子與鄭玄經學的批評 --- p.300 / Chapter 一 --- 理學：對朱子經學的全面批評 p300 / Chapter 二 --- 訓詁：對鄭玄經注的批評 --- p.304 / Chapter 第五節 --- “溫柔敦厚：對道學政治文化的批判 --- p.308 / Chapter 一 --- 孔孟之道 --- p.309 / Chapter 二 --- 美刺與是非：《詩》與《春秋》 --- p.312 / Chapter 三 --- 《易》道用剛？ --- p.317 / Chapter 四 --- 批評與調整：“溫柔敦厚 --- p.318 / Chapter 小結 --- p.324 / Chapter 第六章 --- 郝敬經解之要義 --- p.326 / Chapter 第一節 --- 《九經解》：順序與意義系統 --- p.326 / Chapter 第二節 --- 經解要義及其創辟 --- p.329 / Chapter 一 --- 《周易正解》：由《十翼》言象而“象意雙顯 --- p.329 / Chapter 二 --- 《尚書辨解》：辨《古文尚書》為偽 --- p.335 / Chapter （一） --- 《書序》非孔子作 --- p.336 / Chapter （二） --- 以古今文辭風格辨《古文尚書》之偽 --- p.336 / Chapter （三） --- 讀《書》首當考世代 --- p.339 / Chapter （四） --- 周公不殺管、蔡二叔 --- p.340 / Chapter （五） --- 以後世之徵引而證《古文尚書》為偽 --- p.342 / Chapter 三 --- 《毛詩原解》：詩序·詩志·美刺 --- p.343 / Chapter （一） --- 尊《詩序》 --- p.343 / Chapter （二） --- “辭與“志之間以及辟“淫奔說 --- p.345 / Chapter （三） --- 《詩》為萬世法戒 --- p.351 / Chapter （四） --- 風人 --- p.352 / Chapter （五） --- 風雅頌皆有正變 --- p.353 / Chapter （六） --- 詩者，聲音之道 --- p.354 / Chapter 四 --- 《春秋直解》：直其事而是非自見 --- p.354 / Chapter （一） --- 《左傳》非左丘明作 --- p.355 / Chapter （二） --- 批《春秋》三傳、宋胡安國《春秋》解 --- p.357 / Chapter （三） --- 《春秋》無凡例、無深刻隱語 --- p.358 / Chapter （四） --- 《春秋》直道而行，不以文字為褒貶 --- p.360 / Chapter （五） --- 《春秋》未嘗可五霸，未嘗貴盟會，未嘗與齊、魯 --- p.362 / Chapter （六） --- 未嘗黜秦、楚、吳、越為夷狄 --- p.364 / Chapter 五 --- 三禮 --- p.365 / Chapter （一） --- 《禮記通解》：會通禮家雜而多端之言 --- p.366 / Chapter （二） --- 《儀禮節解》 --- p.373 / Chapter （三） --- 《周禮完解》 --- p.377 / Chapter 六 --- 《論語詳解》與《孟子說解》 --- p.388 / Chapter （一） --- 《論語詳解》 --- p.388 / Chapter （二） --- 《孟子說解》 --- p.391 / Chapter 第三節 --- 郝敬經學特色 --- p.396 / Chapter 一 --- 解經“不可為典要 --- p.396 / Chapter 二 --- 集群經辨偽之大成：創辟與臆斷 --- p.399 / Chapter 第七章 --- 郝敬經學的影響 --- p.401 / Chapter 第一節 --- 同時代經學類型比較：以《大泌山房集》所見為例 --- p.401 / Chapter 一 --- 朱子經學系統 --- p.404 / Chapter 二 --- 北宋之經解 --- p.405 / Chapter 三 --- 從回向漢代到回向孔子 --- p.406 / Chapter 四 --- 與郝敬屬同類型的經解 --- p.407 / Chapter 第二節 --- 郝敬經學的後世影響 --- p.411 / Chapter 一 --- 郝敬經學在晚明的流傳與接受 --- p.411 / Chapter 二 --- 孔廟從祀議案的提出 --- p.416 / Chapter 三 --- 郝敬經學在清初的全面性影響 --- p.418 / Chapter 四 --- 主流派的曖昧：四庫館臣與新典範 --- p.428 / Chapter 五 --- 少數派的重視：章學誠與焦循之例 --- p.430 / Chapter 六 --- 郝敬經學在晚清民國的影響 --- p.431 / 小結 --- p.432 / Chapter 結論 --- p.433 / Chapter 附錄一 --- 郝敬的《請錢法疏》與顧炎武的貨幣主張之比較 --- p.449 / Chapter 附錄二 --- 前明知縣章聚奎詳請給事中郝敬從祀廟庭稿 --- p.458 / Chapter 參考文獻 --- p.464

以往的明末清初耶佛相遇研究,更为注重天主教和佛教间的冲突和对比。本文更倾向于身处耶佛相遇处境内的士人的宗教内对话。来世问题不仅是耶佛宗教间论辩的焦点，也是士大夫的宗教内对话转化信仰的主旨。 / 这是因为晚明时期传统儒学影响，更加关注生死问题的讨论。晚明儒释交融，逃禅悦禅狂禅成为一时风尚。而天主教的传入给关心生死议题的士大夫提供了另一种资源。相对于流于空虚玄妙的禅学而言，很多人认为天主教是一种"实心"、"实行""实学"的思想体系。 / 明清之际，佛学的发展趋势是禅净合流，唯心净土与弥陀净土慢慢融合。禅净双修在士大夫中很受欢迎。因此，士大夫对天主教生死关的理解不仅与禅学相关，也与净土相关。 / 明朝政策使瑜伽僧和禅讲僧鼎立，使经忏法事弥漫于士人的日常生活中，这也与净土信仰相关联。对这些经忏科仪的批判，也成了天主教徒理解来世的一个面向。 / 来世问题，中国天主教徒认为这是儒学的疏略之处，构成了"补儒易佛"的重要内容。 / Most of the existing studies of the Buddhist‐Christian encounter during the Ming and Qing dynasties emphasize the conflict and contrast between Chinese Buddhism and Catholicism. The present study tends to focus on the intra religious dialogue of the participants. It will indicate that the problem of next‐life or life after death was not only one of the foci of dialogue, but also one of the key aspects of the transformation of faith caused by intra‐religious dialogue of the Chinese intellectuals at that time. / During the late Ming period, under the influence of traditional Confucianism, the matters of life and death became a focus of debate. At that time, the escapist Ch’an Buddhism became an ethos, and interactions took place between Buddhism and Confucianism. When Catholicism was introduced into China, it offered a spiritual alternative to the Chinese intellectuals who cared about matters of life and death. In contrast to the relatively more speculative and mysterious Ch’an, many Chinese found Catholicism a more genuine, concrete and practical system of thought. / With regard to the Buddhism during the Ming and Qing dynasties, an important trend of development was the combination between Ch’an and Pure Land Buddhism, particularly the gradual integration between the Amitabha Pure Land and the Heart‐Only Pure Land. Dual cultivation of Ch’an and Pure Land was very popular among the Chinese intellectuals. For this reason, the Chinese intellectuals’ understanding of the Catholic view of life and death related not only to Ch’an, but also to Pure Land Buddhism. / The governmental policy of Ming dynasty made the ritual monks stand on equal footing with the lecturing monks, and the Buddhist rituals, including those related to Pure Land Buddhism, integral part of the daily life of the intellectuals. The critique of these rituals formed an important aspect of the Catholic view of next‐life. Many Chinese Catholics took the problem of next life as one of the limitations or neglect problems of Confucianism, and made it one of the major contents for the strategy of "supplementing Confucanism and replacing Buddhism". / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 劉晶晶. / Thesis submitted: December 2013. / Thesis (Ph.D.) Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2014. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 182-205). / Abstracts also in English. / Liu Jingjing.

張雪松. / Thesis (doctoral)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2008. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 251-265). / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / Zhang Xuesong.

黃秀顏. / 论文(哲学博士)--香港中文大学, 2002. / 参考文献 (p. 241-258). / 中英文摘要. / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Electronic reproduction. Ann Arbor, MI : ProQuest Information and Learning Company, [200-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Mode of access: World Wide Web. / Huang Xiuyan. / Zhong Ying wen zhai yao. / Lun wen (zhe xue bo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 2002. / Can kao wen xian (p. 241-258).

Child-oriented Chinese indigenous children's literature was created with the translation of western children's works and theories on children's literature. The study on translated children's literature in China is significant not only to the research on Chinese children's literature, but also to Chinese translation history. At present the study on translated children's literature both at home and abroad occupies a marginalized position. Particularly in China, the limited research that has been done on the subject is of poor quality. / Key words. Translation Studies; translated children's literature; poetics; patronage; linguistic elements; personality; influence study; reception. / This dissertation combines the methods taken from Descriptive Translation Studies, children's literature research and Comparative Literature to describe and analyze the production, reception and influence of translated children's literature in China during the period of 1898-1949. Based on two catalogues compiled by the author of this dissertation, namely, A Catalogue of Translated Children's Literature During 1898-1919 and A Catalogue of Translated Children's Books During 1911-1949, the dissertation describes a picture of translated children's literature in China during the period of 1898-1949. The production of translated children's work is analyzed from four perspectives: poetics, patronage, linguistic elements and personality of translators. The reception part, based on the reception models by Yves Chevrel, takes Curoe translated by XIA Mianzun, The Watch translated by LU Xun, and "Translated Russian Children's Literature in China" as three case studies to examine the reception of translated children's literature in the Chinese context. The influence part adopts the methodology of chronology and doxologie to prove and conduct the detailed aspects of the influence of translated children's literature upon indigenous Chinese children's literature from three aspects: techniques, content and image. The dissertation ends with an outlook for future research on translated children's literature in China. / 李麗. / 論文(哲學博士)--香港中文大學, 2006. / 參考文獻(p. 222-238). / Adviser: Chee Fun Fong. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 68-02, Section: A, page: 0562. / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Electronic reproduction. [Ann Arbor, MI] : ProQuest Information and Learning, [200-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / School code: 1307. / Lun wen (zhe xue bo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 2006. / Can kao wen xian (p. 222-238). / Li Li.

Tse, Chun Yan Victor. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2009. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 204-226). / Photocopy. Ann Arbor, Mich. : ProQuest LLC, 2011. xi, 226 p. : music ; 29 cm. / Abstract also in Chinese; includes Chinese characters. / Abstract --- p.i / Abstract in Chinese --- p.iii / Acknowledgments --- p.iv / List of tables --- p.viii / List of graphs --- p.ix / List of appendices at the end of individual chapters --- p.ix / List of abbreviations of qin handbooks --- p.X / Chapter Chapter 1 --- Background of the research --- p.1 / Chapter Chapter 2 --- Overview of the research methodology --- p.23 / Chapter Chapter 3 --- An illustrated methodology in reconstructing qin music from past scores guyuan 古怨 of the Southern Song Dynasty --- p.36 / Chapter Chapter 4 --- Chromaticism in Ming Dynasty scores -baixue 白雪 in Shenqi mipu 神奇秘譜 --- p.67 / Chapter Chapter 5 --- From chromaticism to pentatonism - baixue 白雪 in other Ming and Qing Dynasty handbooks --- p.91 / Chapter Chapter 6 --- Non-circle-of-fifths intonations in Qing Dynasty scores --- p.119 / Chapter Chapter 7 --- Varying 4th and 7th degrees - dongting qiusi 洞庭秋思 in Ming and Qing Dynasty handbooks --- p.143 / Chapter Chapter 8 --- Convergence of ideology and practice --- p.168 / Chapter Chapter 9 --- Conclusion ´ؤ looking back and looking forward --- p.199 / References --- p.204

本文以清代宮廷演劇制度的完善與興替、宮廷大戲《昭代簫韶》的創作與演出為中心，探討其中帝王性情、意識形態的投射與帝國形象的建構；試圖對宮廷演劇繁盛與變遷的原因、《昭代簫韶》文本與演出的意涵、宮廷與民間演劇的交流與影響等問題，作出新的解釋。 / 現有研究強調清朝帝后喜好戲曲娛樂、宮廷舞臺壯麗輝煌，以及晚清宮廷演劇變革等等。本文認為，清代宮廷演劇實有更多豐富的內涵有待更深入的研討。帝后的倡導及參與，自是推動清代宮廷演劇繁盛的重要原因，但在滿足帝后娛樂的同時，宮廷演劇也用於朝廷儀典；戲曲教化與國家儀式的功能相互結合。 / 清代宮廷演劇，在元明清雜劇傳奇及亂彈之外，還有適應現實需要而奉旨編演的大戲與節戲。宮廷大戲，規模龐大，情節複雜，排場繁縟，在中國戲曲史上十分獨特。創作於乾嘉之際的《昭代簫韶》，取材於明代演義小說《北宋志傳》，鋪寫楊家將輔宋抗遼事。通過特定情節與人物穿戴，《昭代簫韶》參與了清代正統華夷的論述，並含有重評歷史與訓諭臣民的深意。此部大戲將褒忠誅奸的昇仙入地與軍陣鬥法的神道描寫，與觀劇現場的君臣秩序相結合，形成舞臺上、下戲曲與現實的呼應，道德教化寓意明顯。 / 本文對清代宮廷演劇制度變遷與宮廷大戲《昭代簫韶》演出史的考察，還特別關注戲曲在宮廷與民間的流動與影響。尤其是外學伶人進入與退出宮廷，使得宮廷伶人的規模與組成發生改變，這不僅影響到大戲的演出形式與藝術呈現，也使得宮廷演劇處於對外開放與吸收融合的狀態。清代戲劇便在宮廷、文人與民間三方面，均臻繁盛。 / Theatrical performance played an important role in the Qing court culture. This thesis discusses the evolution and change of the court theatre institution throughout the Qing Dynasty. In the contexts of court entertainment, political activities and cultural policy, the creation and performance history of the grand theatre piece, Zhaodai xiaoshao, or The Glorious Music of a Brilliant Age, from the Qianlong-Jiaqing to the Guangxu period serve as an adequate example. In this case study, we can explore the nature of the Qing emperors and Empress Dowager Cixi, state ideology and the construction of the Empire’s image. / Most existing research in Qing court drama and theatre focuses on the Qing emperors’ great passion for theatre, the three-tiered grand stage in the imperial palace and the wealth of props and costumes, as well as the repertoire change in the late Qing, especially the formation and development of Jingju or Peking Opera. This thesis arguesthat given its rich contents and relevant contexts, the Qing court theatre deserves far more research both in breadth and in depth. The participation of the imperial power undoubtedly promoted court theatre. Theatrical performances at court became not only private entertainment for the imperial family; they also appeared in state ceremonies with special ritual significance. In addition, the grand plays like the 240-scened Glorious Music of a Brilliant Age projected the images and instructions of the emperorsto enlighten the subjects, for particular needs in political circumstances. / The Glorious Music of a Brilliant Age was based on the story of the Yang Family Generals in the Northern Song Dynasty. Usingthe concept of destiny, the grand play established the plot in which Song defeated Liao and the Taizong of Song completed the unification of the Hans and non-Hans. This is not the real history. However, the play reflected the transition from the early Qing of the northern ethnic-group regime to the mid-Qing of the unified Chinese dynasty. It showed the Manchu emperors’ intent to construct a political orthodox position for their empire. Through the specific costumesof its characters, this history play revealed the ethnic and identity issues among the audience in the Qing court. It teaches the audience and later, readers to be loyal subjects. / In the performance history of The Glorious Music of a Brilliant Age, it is also important to note the institutional evolution of the court theatre, especially the folk actors flowing inside and outside the court. These actors’ movement created opportunities for exchange between the court theatre and the public theatre. For instance, during the Hundred Days Reform, Zhaodai xiaoshao was adapted from its original Kun-Yi music to the Pihuang music under the command of the Empress Dowager Cixi to be performed by the eunuch actors and famous celebrities from the capital theatre. The adaptation and performances of this play, when closely examined, expressed the "ideal" parent-child and monarch-subject relationship which the Empress desired Emperor Guangxu to observe, given the reality of tension between the two at that time. In other words, the performances at court theatre often serve the political purpose of communication, indoctrination, as well as integration. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 胡光明. / Thesis (Ph.D.) Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2014. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 255-281). / Abstracts also in English. / Hu Guangming.

許曉東. / "2001年6月" / 論文 (哲學碩士)--香港中文大學, 2001. / 參考文獻 (leaves 112-114) / 附中英文摘要. / "2001 nian 6 yue" / Xu Xiaodong. / Lun wen (zhe xue shuo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 2001. / Can kao wen xian (leaves 112-114) / Fu Zhong Ying wen zhai yao. / Chapter 第一章 --- 遼代玉器硏究的回顧與考古材料 --- p.（1) / Chapter 第一節 --- 硏究的緣起 --- p.（1) / Chapter 第二節 --- 硏究的回顧 --- p.（3) / Chapter 第三節 --- 考古材料 --- p.（6) / Chapter 第二章 --- 遼代玉器的製作與使用 --- p.（13) / Chapter 第一節 --- 玉器的製作 --- p.（13) / Chapter (1) --- 遼代手工業概況 --- p.（13) / Chapter (2) --- 多層次的生產組織形式 --- p.（18) / Chapter (3) --- 製作技術 --- p.（22) / Chapter 第二節 --- 玉器的使用 --- p.（22) / Chapter (1) --- 朝廷用玉 --- p.（23) / Chapter (2) --- 日常用玉 --- p.（27) / Chapter (3) --- 賞賜與貢奉 --- p.（29) / Chapter (4) --- 朝聘往來 --- p.（30) / Chapter (5) --- 佛教用玉 --- p.（32) / Chapter (6) --- 喪葬用玉 --- p.（33) / Chapter 第三章 --- 遼代玉器的形制分析與分期 --- p.（40) / Chapter 第一節 --- 形制分析 --- p.（40) / Chapter (1) --- 玉帶 --- p.（40) / Chapter (2) --- 碗 --- p.（43) / Chapter (3) --- 杯 --- p.（45) / Chapter (4) --- 瓶 --- p.（47) / Chapter (5) --- 盒 --- p.（48) / Chapter (6) --- 組佩 --- p.（49) / Chapter (7) --- 肖生玉器 --- p.（53) / Chapter (8) --- 帶T形、心形墜之項飾 --- p.（55) / Chapter (9) --- 胸飾與臂飾 --- p.（57) / Chapter (10) --- 分髮簪、珠鏈、瓔珞 --- p.（59) / Chapter (11) --- 轡飾 --- p.（60) / Chapter (12) --- 飛天、佛塔、舍利罐、斧錘形器、金剛杵、海螺、法輪 --- p.（61) / Chapter (13) --- 水盂、硯、圍棋子、臂韛、嘎拉哈 --- p.（64) / Chapter (14) --- 花冠形飾、葉形飾、彎月形飾、三角形飾片、玉竹節… --- p.（65) / Chapter (15) --- 璧、玦、環、勾雲形器、玉錢、帽形飾、器柄 --- p.（66) / Chapter 第二節 --- 分期 --- p.（67) / Chapter (1) --- 早期 --- p.（68) / Chapter (2) --- 中期 --- p.（69) / Chapter (3) --- 晚期 --- p.（70) / Chapter 第四章 --- 遼代玉器與唐、宋、金玉器之比較 --- p.（73) / Chapter 第一節 --- 遼代玉器之特色 --- p.（73) / Chapter (1) --- 選材 --- p.（73) / Chapter (2) --- 工藝 --- p.（74) / Chapter (3) --- 文化構成 --- p.（75) / Chapter 第二節 --- 與唐代玉器之比較 --- p.（75) / Chapter (1) --- 器形 --- p.（75) / Chapter (2) --- 玉雕工藝與表現技法 --- p.（79) / Chapter (3) --- 對金銀器的借鑒 --- p.（82) / Chapter 第三節 --- 與宋代玉器之比較 --- p.（83) / Chapter (1) --- 鏤雕、淺浮雕技藝的吸收 --- p.（83) / Chapter (2) --- 寫實藝術風格的借鑒 --- p.（85) / Chapter (3) --- 仿古器的製作 --- p.（86) / Chapter (4) --- 中原傳統吉祥意象的接受 --- p.（86) / Chapter 第四節 --- 與金代玉器之比較 --- p.（89) / Chapter (1) --- 雕刻技法 --- p.（89) / Chapter (2) --- 題材 --- p.（90) / Chapter 第五章 --- 相關問題的探討 --- p.（97) / Chapter 第一節 --- 玉器發展的新機遇 --- p.（97) / Chapter 第二節 --- 多元文化因素的融合與民族特色的淡化 --- p.（100) / Chapter (1) --- 多元文化因素的融合 --- p.（100) / Chapter (2) --- 民族特色的淡化 --- p.（104) / Chapter 第三節 --- 歷史定位 --- p.（106) / Chapter 第四節 --- 硏究展望 --- p.（108) / 附錄 / 附錄一參考書目 --- p.（1) / 附錄二遼、五代、北宋、金紀年對照表 --- p.（2) / 附錄三遼代出土玉器一覽表 --- p.（3~1) / 附錄四圖版目錄 --- p.（4) / 附錄五彩色圖版說明 --- p.（5~1) / 附錄六黑白圖版 --- p.（6~1) / 圖錄七彩色圖版 --- p.（7)

張雅茵. / "2001年9月" / 論文 (哲學碩士)--香港中文大學, 2001. / 參考文獻 (leaves 141-150) / 附中英文摘要. / "2001 nian 9 yue" / Zhang Yayin. / Lun wen (zhe xue shuo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 2001. / Can kao wen xian (leaves 141-150) / Fu Zhong Ying wen zhai yao. / 導論 --- p.1 / Chapter 第一章 --- （不）自然的中國性事 --- p.12 / Chapter (一) --- 高羅佩：「中國」人的性習慣是健康的 --- p.13 / Chapter (二) --- 何謂「健康」的性習慣？一一對高羅佩的批判… --- p.16 / Chapter (三) --- 高羅佩對中國古代性事論述的影響 --- p.26 / Chapter (四) --- 小結：看不見女性的中國性事 --- p.33 / Chapter 第二章 --- （不)柔順的儒家女性肉體 --- p.40 / Chapter (一) --- 宗法父權及儒家女性 --- p.41 / Chapter (二) --- 壓抑的女性情慾 --- p.43 / Chapter (三) --- （非)柔順的肉體 --- p.45 / Chapter (四) --- 宗法父權/父權體制對(儒家)女性情慾 及身體的監控 --- p.46 / Chapter (五) --- 小結 --- p.62 / Chapter 第三章 --- 明代(不曾）禁錮的性事文化 --- p.71 / Chapter (一) --- 從滅(人)慾到反禁欲 --- p.74 / Chapter (二) --- 儒家女性的閱讀與書寫 --- p.80 / Chapter 第四章 --- 《癡婆子傳》一一儒家女性的情慾「越軌」 --- p.93 / Chapter (一) --- 小說內容 --- p.94 / Chapter (二) --- 重新閱讀(re-reading)《癡婆子傳》 》 --- p.95 / Chapter (三) --- 宗法父權規管下的儒家女性 --- p.98 / Chapter (四) --- 道德規條下的空間 --- p.104 / Chapter (五) --- 情慾的踰越 --- p.107 / Chapter (六) --- 儒家女性的「懺悔 」 --- p.126 / Chapter (七) --- 小結 --- p.128 / 結論 --- p.135 / 參考書目 --- p.141

Chan, Chi Him. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2011. / Includes bibliographical references. / Abstracts in English and Chinese; includes Chinese. / Abstract / Acknowledgement / Table of Contents / Notes on the Style / Chapter Chapter 1: --- Introduction / Chapter 1.1 --- Christianity and Late Qing China (1860-1900) / Chapter 1.2 --- The Sources and Their Authors / Chapter 1.3 --- Outline of the Thesis / Chapter Chapter 2: --- Literature Review / Chapter 2.1: --- Works on Chinese Protestant Christians in Late Qing / Chapter 2.1.1: --- Chinese Protestant Christians' Reception of the Bible / Chapter 2.1.2: --- Historical Context of Chinese Protestant Christians / Chapter 2.1.3: --- History of Translation of the Chinese Bible / Chapter 2.2: --- Methodological Review / Chapter 2.2.1: --- Challenges from Hermeneutic Theories / Chapter 2.2.2: --- Hermeneutical Communities and Hermeneutical Strategies / Chapter 2.2.3: --- Cultural Differences and Linguistic Peculiarity / Chapter Chapter 3: --- The General Reception of the Bible by Chinese Protestant Christians / Chapter 3.1: --- Chinese Protestant Christians' General Attitudes towards the Bible / Chapter 3.2: --- Chinese Protestant Christians' Reception of the Old Testament / Chapter 3.3: --- Chinese Protestant Christians' Reception of the New Testament / Chapter Chapter 4: --- "Christianity, Heterodoxy and Social Order" / Chapter 4.1: --- Late Qing Context: Christianity as Heterodoxy / Chapter 4.1.1: --- Legacy of the Taiping Rebellion / Chapter 4.1.2: --- Mingjiao and Christianity / Chapter 4.1.3: --- "Sorcery, Rebellion and Heterodoxy" / Chapter 4.1.4: --- Conflicts over the Building of Churches / Chapter 4.2: --- The Decline of the Qing Dynasty / Chapter 4.2.1: --- The Corruption of the Qing Administration / Chapter 4.2.2: --- The Advance of the West and the Decline of the Qing Court / Chapter 4.3: --- Jesus and his Kingdom in Context / Chapter 4.3.1: --- The Background of the Reception of the Kingdom of Heaven / Chapter 4.3.2: --- The Kingdom of Heaven as the Kingdom for the Dead / Chapter 4.3.3: --- The Kingdom of Heaven Promotes Social Order / Chapter Chapter 5: --- "The Bible, Chinese Traditions and Confucianism" / Chapter 5.1: --- Confucianism and Chinese Traditional Values / Chapter 5.1.1: --- The Development of Academic Confucianism until Late Qing / Chapter 5.1.2: --- The Three Sects and the Tradition of Moral Books / Chapter 5.2: --- Chinese Protestant Christians' Interpretation of the Bible / Chapter 5.2.1: --- Accusation of Violation of Filial Piety and Christians' Response / Chapter 5.2.2: --- The Idea of Reward and Punishment according to Human Behavior / Chapter 5.2.3: --- Salvation on both Morality and Faith / Chapter 5.3: --- Chinese Protestant Christians' Attitudes towards Confucianism / Chapter 5.3.1: --- The Real Heir of Confucianism / Chapter 5.3.2: --- A Tide of Anti-Confucianism? / Chapter Chapter 6: --- Conclusion / Appendix: List of Transliteration of Name used in this Thesis / Bibliography