The thesis focuses on China's economic diplomacy in Africa. The theoretical part deals with the concept of economic security (as a part of soft security) and economic diplomacy (as a way how to secure economic security). Africa is just one of many areas where China is engaged. The objective of the thesis is to identify the particular policies of China's economic diplomacy. The thesis is divided into four parts. The first part deals with the theoretical concepts, the second part with the energy security and policy in China. The third part deals with the individual areas of cooperation between China and Africa and China's main principles of cooperation. The main areas are international trade, foreign direct investment and foreign aid. The last part describes the Chinese cooperation with two particular countries -- Angola and Sudan.

戰後日本對華政策之研究（一九四九∼一九九七） 　　本論文之研究方法 主要係利用傳統的歷史研究方法為主，採直敘的方式，在戰後各時期日本所面對的國際政治局勢與外交政策中，依序選擇重點作經驗性的探討與分析。而由於在人文社會科學的研究中，任何假設與立論的基礎便是材料。故在研究方法上，筆者採「非實驗性的方法」中之文件分析法。 是故，本研究基本上屬於「描述性研究」，筆者乃以日本的「中國政策」為對象，對戰後以來各個時期之對華政策形成，尋求精確的描述與解釋。再者，於研究途徑的選擇方面，本研究係採「系統理論」作為主要的研究分析途徑。基於此，在研究架構上，筆者將針對戰後日本之「中國政策」選擇重點，依序進行經驗性的探討，詳細敘述戰後以來日本各內閣的成立，與每一任內閣所面對的國內、外環境及在內外環境交互作用下，日本政府如何在其「中國政策」中作出反應，並希望在其間發現日本對華政策之特質。 此外，在日本研究中，政治文化的因素亦為研究者所重視，因此，筆者在研究中，亦自政治文化的分析角度切入，具體地分析日本的諸多文化現象對其「中國政策」的影響。 / The Research on Japan's China Policy after the World War II The research method used in this dissertation is mainly based on the traditionalhistorical research method. Some of the improtant statements on the internationalpolitical status and diplomatic policies, which Japan weere facing after the world War II, have been selected on a time basis. The selected statements are studied andanalyzed experientially. When doing the human and social science studies, the foundation of hypothesis can be considered as the researching material itself. Therefore, the descriptive study used in the non-experimental method is adapted as the research method in this dissertation. The research presented in this dissertation is a descriptive study. Japan'sChina policy are the research subjects. The forming of Japan's post-war Chinapolicy at different stages is studeied in depths, hoping to seek for explanationsfrom the detailed statements given in the disseration. Regarding to the theory of research, system theory is adapted as main researchingand analyzing basis in this dissertation. The research framework is based on some of important Japan's post-war China policy. Detailed descriptions on the formation of Japanese cabinets after the War are given. Also, how the Japanesegovernment reacted on her China policy. when facing the interactions between Japanese domestic and international situations, are sequentially and experientially studied. This is aimed at finding the characteristics of Japan's China policy. Besides, in the studied of Japan researchers have been considering the elementsof political culture. In this dissertation, therefore, analyses are done, from the viewpoint of political culture, on some of Japanese cultures' impacts uponher China policy.

The liberal theory of international relations primarily associates international cooperation with liberal democratic states, to the point that a theory of scholars Poast and Urpelainen claim that international cooperation with consolidated democracies through international organizations may boost the democratization of or at least prevent democratic backsliding in non-consolidated democracies. This paper investigates the possibility of decoupling these theories from democracies and democratizing by examining whether Chinese efforts within the framework of the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank and the Belt and Road foreign policy project have a similar but reverse effect on its target states, prompting developments in authoritarian directions. Though the results of study are inconclusive on account of the relative youth of the studied IOs, they indicate a strong possibility that could do with further study.

本論文在探究日本對中外交政策決策模式的體制變革，過去日本外交主要是受到美國外壓影響，外務省相對保持獨立性，而內閣官邸則受限於人員編制與派閥牽制，使得功能受限。2001年橋本行改實施後，大幅擴增了內閣府的人員編制，使得官邸主導外交成為可能，小泉純一郎善用了體制變革，形成以內閣府為中心展開對中外交的同時，日中關係卻因為其堅持參拜靖國神社陷入了僵局，2005年正值日中關係低盪時，小泉與胡錦濤開啟了第一次總合政策對話(戰略對話)，2006年安倍晉三上任後便以此平台為基礎，成功訪問中國，呼籲日中建立戰略互惠關係，強化兩國在政治、經濟層面的合作，雙方並在2008年福田時代簽訂了確立日中戰略互惠關係的政治文件，日中戰略互惠關係的架構也延續到民主黨政權的對中外交政策。本文以外交政策分析為出發點，嘗試藉由日中戰略互惠關係的案例，來了解日本外交決策模式中各行為者所扮演的角色。

2013年3月14日，習近平成為中共的最高領導人，不同於前幾代中國大陸領導人，習近平提出了「中國夢」的願景，不僅為主導與型塑著習近平時代中共的對外政策、戰略規劃與全球佈局，且其的內涵伴隨著情勢發展和現實需要不斷的擴充，不僅積極應處周邊關係，穩定亞太地區、妥善處理海權爭議、牽制美國亞太「再平衡」戰略，並向西推進「一帶一路」戰略。 而在亞太地區被公認為世界經濟發動的火車頭之際，「重返亞洲」則成美國最重要的外交目標。歐巴馬政府重新調整外交政策，強調透過盟友、國際制度、謹慎的外交及道德理想的力量來爭取他人認同美國的目標，藉此促進本身的利益；同時，藉由增加在該地區的政治、經濟和軍事投入，逐漸提升其他國家對於美國的信任，藉此鞏固美國的領導地位。 美中雙方為何這麼在意在南海區域的發展及權利伸張，美國在仲裁案後特別強調南海是美國「最高國家利益」，而中方也早早就說過南海是中國的「核心利益」，如此是否註定中美兩方必在南海地區發生權力爭奪戲碼，不禁令人要問美、中雙方到底誰才是破壞南海和平或南海秩序的國家？ 南海究竟具備什麼樣的地理特性或其他重要的條件，讓世界的霸權及崛起的強權交集的南海地區，而使這個地區被學者示警南海恐成第3次世界大戰舞臺。 / On March 14, 2013, Xi Jinping became the supreme leader of the Chinese Communist Party. Unlike the leaders of the previous generation of mainland China, Xi Jinping put forward the vision of "Chinese Dream", not only for the foreign policy and strategic planning And the global layout, and its connotation along with the development of the situation and the reality needs to continue to expand, not only actively should be peripheral relations, stability in the Asia-Pacific region, properly handle the sea dispute, contain the US Asia-Pacific "rebalancing" strategy, and westward " Along the way "strategy. In the Asia-Pacific region is recognized as the world economy launched the locomotive, the "return to Asia" has become the United States the most important diplomatic goals. The Obama administration has reoriented its foreign policy by emphasizing the goal of the United States through its allies, international regimes, prudent diplomatic and moral ideals, to promote its own interests; by increasing the political, Economic and military investment, and gradually enhance the confidence of other countries for the United States, to consolidate the US leadership. Why the United States and China are concerned about the development of the South China Sea region and the right to extend the United States in the arbitration case, especially stressed that the South China Sea is the United States "the highest national interest", and the Chinese side has long said that the South China Sea is China's "core interests", so destined China and the United States will be in the South China Sea area of power to compete for drama, can not help but to ask the United States, the two sides in the end who is the destruction of the South China Sea peace or the South China Sea order of the country? The South China Sea has what kind of geographical features or other important conditions, so that the world's hegemony and the rise of the power of the intersection of the South China Sea region, leaving the region by the students to warn the South China Sea fear of the third World War stage.

Abstract The thesis deals with the US foreign policy under Richard Nixon. More specifically, it examines the US rapprochement with Communist China (PRC) and the triangular diplomatic relations between the US, USSR, and PRC. The thesis draws from the realist theories, particularly the offensive and defensive branches of neorealism represented by John Mearsheimer and Kenneth Waltz. The thesis applies the theoretical concept of wedging strategies as power-balancing tools on the selected US foreign policy. The thesis conducts a qualitative case study using the process-tracing method. A causal mechanism derived from the concept of wedging strategies is theorized and further applied in the analysis. The analysis of the US foreign policy towards China examines the individual traces in the theorized mechanisms. The results of the study show that the US broke the Sino-Soviet alliance using a defensive wedging strategy by exploiting the Sino-Soviet split, resulting in PRC's dealignment with the USSR. The US reapproached the PRC and swayed the Chinese leadership with strategic guarantees tacitly aimed against the USSR. These guarantees were ultimately projected into the Shanghai Communique of 1972.

This study explores the changing nature of filial piety in contemporary society in rural China. With the economic, social and political upheavals that followed the Revolution, can 'great peace under heaven' still be found for the rural Chinese family as in the traditional Confucian proverb,"make yourself useful, look after your family, look after your country, and all is peaceful under heaven"? This study explores this question, in terms not so much of financial prosperity, but of non-tangible cultural values of filial piety, changing familial and gender roles, and economic migration. In particular, it examines how macro level changes in economic, social and demographic policies have affected family life in rural China. The primary policies examined were collectivisation, the hukou registration system, marketization, and the One-Child policy. Ethnographic interviews reveal how migration has affected rural family structures beyond the usual quantifiable economic measures. Using the village of Meijia, Sichuan province, as a paradigmatic sample of family, where members have moved to work in the cities, leaving their children behind with the grandparents, the study demonstrates how migration and modernization are reshaping familial roles, changing filial expectations, reshuffling notions of care-taking, and transforming traditional views on the value of daughters and daughters-in-law. The study concludes that the choices families make around migration, child-rearing and elder-care cannot be fully explained by either an income diversification model or a survival model, but rather through notions of filial piety. Yet the concept of filial piety itself is changing, particularly in relation to gender and perceptions about the worth of daughters and the mother/ daughter-in-law relationship. Understanding these new family dynamics will be important for both policy planners and economic analysts.