The aim of this case study is to investigate the relation between mass media consumption habits of Chinese immigrants in Houston and their acculturation in different generations. The author found new technologies was eroding the role of Chinese immigrant newspapers in Houston. With the development of the Internet, those young Chinese immigrants had more chances to enjoy their bicultural pleasure and became more globalized. Though, like the old generation of Chinese immigrants, they still relied on the enclave community to get the economy protection, they consumed more English media and were easier to acculturate into American society. / text

The media plays a crucial role in framing social issues, and it decides whether and how these issues become social problems of wider public concern. This study offers a detailed analysis of this process with regard to the reporting of issues related to migrant workers over the last two decades in Chinese evening newspapers. Using data from evening newspapers in Jinan, a combination of quantitative and qualitative content analysis, and discourse analysis are used to explore how these representations have changed. The findings show that, contrary to the previous studies which found that representations of migrant workers in the Chinese evening newspapers tended to be mainly negative, portrayals of migrant workers, in reality, are more dynamic and complex. Actually, positive reports about migrant workers have dominated some evening newspapers. Using a large number of interviews with senior management staff and journalists, this study also illuminates the reasons for the changing representations of migrant workers in the evening newspapers, which are the result of the interaction of politics, market forces and professional practice of Chinese journalists.

This thesis presents a series of three case studies of the Chinese Spring Festival Eve Variety Show selected between 1983 and 2010. The case studies were chosen to exemplify the overall trend in how China’s television has developed against the broader socio-political context of major economic reforms taking place since the late 1970s.

The main aim of this thesis is to provide an overview of Chinese domestic political discourse through an analysis of the Chinese domestic media narrative surrounding the recent trade war with the United States. Using a mixed method of quantitative analysis of keywords and qualitative analysis of headline emotivity from media articles published by three big Chinese domestic news outlets, we were able to explore the language and emotions of their narrative. The results of keyword analysis identified the prevalence of politically motivated discourse, which was dominant throughout majority of this conflict. Themes such as strong self- identification, Chinese victim self-portrayal and American aggression were very strongly mentioned in the discourse of this population. Meanwhile, the interest of Chinese media in global economy and multilateral trading system was very little, with only few mentions in comparison to the political aspects of the discourse. Additionally, publishing volumes over the course of the conflict showed that despite the Chinese media reporting escalatory developments of the trade conflict more, the qualitative headline emotivity analysis discovered a general preference for the usage of rather neutral language and appeasing rhetoric.

Chinese media control has been repressive, systematic, and successful. This thesis explores how it has been achieved in Post-Tiananmen China. Many outstanding scholars and authors of Chinese media politics assert that such a Chinese media control has been attained by the Party censorship system. Though this was the case before the 1989 Tiananmen Massacre and during the suppressive period from June 1989 to January 1992, I argue that the major part of Chinese media control since 1992 has been accomplished not by the Party censorship, but by marketizing media control. Marketizing media control is triggered by the job responsibility system. Job responsibility for media managers or contract responsibility for journalists in Chinese media imposes both a survival pressure and a compliance pressure on media professionals and organizations. Under the backdrop of the predatory Chinese political economy, the “Survival of the Fittest” logic encourages media professionals to begin their psychological transformation for pursuing their personal interests. The rich material compensation resulting from marketizing media control consolidates such a psychological transformation. Collective interest protection of media organizations reinforces collective self-censorship. Yet punishment pushes them further into compliance with the Party ideology. Marketizing media control works well as long as the Party-state structure remains unchanged and as long as the Chinese economy is still running.

The commercialization and global transformation of the Chinese film industry demonstrates that this industry has been experiencing drastic changes within the new social and economic environment of China in which film has become a commodity generating high revenues. However, the Chinese government still exerts control over the industry which is perceived as an ideological tool. They believe that the films display and contain beliefs and values of certain social groups as well as external constraints of politics, economy, culture, and ideology. And, ironically, the films censored in China often gain great fame outside of China becoming worldwide blockbusters. This study will look at how those films are banned by the Chinese film censorship system through analyzing their essential cinematic elements, including narrative, filming, editing, sound, color, and sponsor and publisher. The study will also analyze how the combination of government control and market forces influence the Chinese film industry and its production.

<p>The aim of this paper is to describe which view the Chinese government in connection with the Olympics wants to display for the natural world and analyze if this view coincide with China’s foreign-policy goals. A qualitative content analysis is used. By using the theory of rational choice and a model with three different political approaches I want to examine whether or not the foreign-policy goals of the Chinese regime comport with the view that displays in two major newspapers in China. Since the runoff voting in Moscow in 2001 for the 2008 Olympics the Chinese government has been able to act rational and to compose different strategies to use the Games in Beijing for political propaganda. The analysis show that the governing in China make use of domestic media to put across their political message and some of the most important foreign-policy goals also occur in articles that handle the Olympic Games of 2008.</p>

In this dissertation, using the tool of a political economy of communication analysis gives us an important way to conceptualize the challenges confronting Chinese media workers, especially editors, due to media reform and social transformation. I will accomplish this by examining three different but inter-related processes: commodification, structuration, and spatialization. First, I will analyze the ways in which the deepening of the media commodification process has forced Chinese media workers to serve the political interests of the state, and at the same time, to generate profit for their companies and promote political and social reforms. Second, I will explore the structuration process by analyzing how fundamental social, technological, political, and economic changes—especially those in class relations and power dynamics—have produced five critical problems for the Chinese media workers. Third, I will explore the media spatialization process by addressing its three indispensable components: globalization, neoliberalism, and the global division of labour. When China is increasingly integrated into the global political economy, most Chinese media workers have faced great changes in their value systems and their daily work processes. As a result, the privileged existence of workers as the “masters” of the Communist society has been transformed in many ways (Rocca 2003). In the last chapter, I will suggest plausible solutions to the problems of Chinese media workers, addressing the benefits of labour convergence, the basic functions and major limitations of worker organizations and trade unions, and how they can further help Chinese media workers better deal with the challenges associated with current media reform when labour unrest is on the rise. To conclude, this dissertation concentrates on the trajectories of the labour process transformation of Chinese media workers; their changing social, economic, and political roles; and their dilemma, challenges, and opportunities associated with current social reform and China’s more integration into the global political economy. Through the political economic analysis of Chinese media workers, I aim to better understand the broader social and economic transformations, particularly the network of power relations and institutional contexts in which Chinese media workers are situated, that have been taking place in China since the late 1970s. / Thesis (Ph.D, Sociology) -- Queen's University, 2012-06-18 17:01:26.92

This study focuses on the relationship between Western transnational broadcasters and East Asian media. It analyzes 1) the processes through which Western media players are localized and 2) the impact of media globalization on local broadcasters in East Asia. Recent developments in the People's Republic of China are the primary focus in the discussion of local media.

Ces dernières années, le centre de gravité géopolitique du monde se déplace progressivement vers l’Asie-Pacifique, un phénomène marqué notamment par l’influence croissante de la Chine et de son rôle joué dans cette région. En même temps, l’influence considérable des médias en tant qu’acteurs essentiels dans la mutation géopolitique pousse le gouvernement chinois à renforcer son soft power, visant à promouvoir l’influence et le rayonnement du pays à travers ses médias. Cela nous invite à examiner le rôle des médias chinois dans le pouvoir d’influence de la Chine en Asie-Pacifique sur la période récente (2007 – 2016). Reposant sur l’analyse de contenus des médias chinois, notre étude de la représentation de l’influence chinoise en Asie-Pacifique montre que ceux-ci s’attachent plus à exposer la puissance militaire, les pouvoirs d'influence économique et politique de la Chine, alors que le soft power culturel du pays (tel son rayonnement en Asie de l’Est) n'est pas mis en évidence. Notre recherche montre ensuite que les médias chinois sont devenus des acteurs essentiels dans les conflits géopolitiques en Asie-Pacifique, qu’ils contribuent à façonner une image de respectabilité et à promouvoir les visions du monde de la Chine. Cependant, l’influence des médias chinois en Asie-Pacifique est limitée, puisqu’ils restent un outil de propagande visant à nourrir le nationalisme domestique et à défendre le régime chinois actuel. / The geopolitical center of the world is gradually shifting towards the Asia-Pacificregion in recent years, and this change is marked in particular by the growinginfluence of China and its role in this region. At the same time, the massiveinfluence of the media as key players in the geopolitical mutation is pushing theChinese government to strengthen its soft power and to promote the influence ofthe country through its media. This brings us to examine the role of the Chinesemedia in China's power of influence in Asia-Pacific from 2007 to 2016.Based on the analysis of Chinese media, our study on China's influence onAsia-Pacific region shows that the Chinese media focus more on China's militarypower, economic and political influence, while the soft cultural power of thecountry is not highlighted. Our research then shows that the Chinese media havebecome key players in Asia-Pacific geopolitical conflicts, helping to shape aChinese respectability image and promoting its worldviews. However, theinfluence of the Chinese media on Asia-Pacific is limited, as they remain a tool ofpropaganda to nourish nationalism, and defend its current regime.