Thesis--M. Phil., University of Hong Kong, 1987.

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xv, 322 p. : ill. A print copy of this thesis is available through the UO Libraries. Search the library catalog for the location and call number. / This dissertation examines formal and popular campaigns against collaborators during the second Sino-Japanese war of 1937-1945, considering the role of these campaigns in the political struggles of the Nationalist (Guomindang) government, the interplay between discourses of law and morality, and the interactions of legal professionals, intellectuals, and commoners in the development of Chinese nationalism and anti-imperialism. During the Sino-Japanese war, the Japanese army occupied vast areas in China and sponsored puppet regimes at central and local levels in areas under its occupation. These regimes variously attracted, persuaded, or forced a large number of Chinese officials, intellectuals, and local elites to work in their administrations. The Nationalist government under Chiang Kai-shek, which was the central Chinese government since 1928, retreated to the inland city of Chongqing to organize resistance against Japan. The Nationalist government labeled collaborators as hanjian , "traitors to the Han." The word became widely used in legal regulations, popular literature, and newspapers and became the most derogatory and politically disastrous title possible for a Chinese citizen. Individuals designated hanjian were exposed to public humiliation, confiscation of land and property, and the threat of assassination. Chiang Kai-shek's government also called for the common people to expose hanjian . Most such accusations were then transformed into legal procedures. These accusations resulted in varying and often unfair sentences. Designed by the Nationalist government to harness the force of popular nationalism and to restore justice, the anti- hanjian campaigns instead inadvertently exposed the corruption and incompetence of the Nationalist government and damaged the post-war construction effort. / Committee in charge: Bryna Goodman, Chairperson, History; Andrew Goble, Member, History; Ina Asim, Member, History; Tze-lan Sang, Outside Member, East Asian Languages & Literature

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L’importance du concept identitaire est maintenant reconnue dans la recherche en histoire. Processus à la fois individuel et collectif, le sentiment d’appartenance constitue la base de l’identité d’un groupe. Dans ce mémoire, nous nous proposons d’étudier le développement de la conscience identitaire mandchoue, et du rôle qu’elle a joué dans la construction identitaire chinoise jusqu’à la Révolution de 1911. L’étude historiographique nous permettra de suivre l’évolution du regard porté sur la dynastie mandchoue des Qing par la recherche occidentale, de rejeter complètement la théorie de leur sinisation, lui préférant celle de leur acculturation. L’étude en parallèle des deux constructions identitaires nous amènera à conclure qu’elles sont indissociables l’une de l’autre, objet de notre première hypothèse. En deuxième lieu, nous avancerons l’idée que la Chine a bénéficié de la présence mandchoue, aussi longtemps que la dynastie pouvait prétendre à une représentation universelle. Enfin, notre dernière hypothèse montrera que le facteur ethnique a été d’une importance cruciale dans la gouvernance d’un empire à la fois multiethnique et multiculturel, et le demeure. / The importance of the identity concept is now recognized by the scholarship in History. The feeling of belonging, being at the same time a personal and a collective process, is at the cornerstone of a group identity. In this dissertation, we intend to study the growth of Manchu identity’s awareness, and what part it plaid in the Chinese identity construction process, up to the 1911 Revolution. An Historiographic analysis will allow us to follow the evolution of western scholarship outlook on the Qing dynasty, and to substitute the thesis of their sinicization by the idea of their acculturation. Our first hypothesis is that a parallel comparison between both identity constructions will lead to the conclusion that they are inseparable from one another. Secondly, we will suggest that as long as the dynasty could pretend to a universal representation, China benefited from Manchu rule. Finally, our last assumption will demonstrate that the ethnic component was, and still is, a key factor in the rulership of a multicultural and multiethnic empire.

L’importance du concept identitaire est maintenant reconnue dans la recherche en histoire. Processus à la fois individuel et collectif, le sentiment d’appartenance constitue la base de l’identité d’un groupe. Dans ce mémoire, nous nous proposons d’étudier le développement de la conscience identitaire mandchoue, et du rôle qu’elle a joué dans la construction identitaire chinoise jusqu’à la Révolution de 1911. L’étude historiographique nous permettra de suivre l’évolution du regard porté sur la dynastie mandchoue des Qing par la recherche occidentale, de rejeter complètement la théorie de leur sinisation, lui préférant celle de leur acculturation. L’étude en parallèle des deux constructions identitaires nous amènera à conclure qu’elles sont indissociables l’une de l’autre, objet de notre première hypothèse. En deuxième lieu, nous avancerons l’idée que la Chine a bénéficié de la présence mandchoue, aussi longtemps que la dynastie pouvait prétendre à une représentation universelle. Enfin, notre dernière hypothèse montrera que le facteur ethnique a été d’une importance cruciale dans la gouvernance d’un empire à la fois multiethnique et multiculturel, et le demeure. / The importance of the identity concept is now recognized by the scholarship in History. The feeling of belonging, being at the same time a personal and a collective process, is at the cornerstone of a group identity. In this dissertation, we intend to study the growth of Manchu identity’s awareness, and what part it plaid in the Chinese identity construction process, up to the 1911 Revolution. An Historiographic analysis will allow us to follow the evolution of western scholarship outlook on the Qing dynasty, and to substitute the thesis of their sinicization by the idea of their acculturation. Our first hypothesis is that a parallel comparison between both identity constructions will lead to the conclusion that they are inseparable from one another. Secondly, we will suggest that as long as the dynasty could pretend to a universal representation, China benefited from Manchu rule. Finally, our last assumption will demonstrate that the ethnic component was, and still is, a key factor in the rulership of a multicultural and multiethnic empire.

Cette thèse cherche à offrir de nouveaux éclairages sur le déploiement territorial des concessions étrangères en Chine aux XIXe et XXe siècles. Bien que la période étudiée s’étende de 1846 à la rétrocession des dernières concessions en 1946, un accent particulier est placé sur la décennie 1910 qui annonce l’essoufflement définitif des logiques expansionnistes. La première partie s’articule autour de l’analyse du projet d’extension mené par la Municipalité française de Tianjin de 1902 à 1946 dans le quartier de Laoxikai 老西開. Cet exemple emblématique sert de pilier et de tremplin pour l’écriture d’une histoire connectée de l’expansion des concessions étrangères. Le cas d’étude centré sur Tianjin permet de structurer la réflexion qui s’élargit, dans une deuxième partie, à Shanghai et Hankou. La mise en perspective de ces trois villes dévoile les principes et conditions dans lesquels évoluent les impérialismes étrangers en Chine, du rôle moteur joué par leur compétition mutuelle aux mécanismes d’échange et d’accommodement avec les fonctionnaires officiels et les citadins chinois. Elle révèle également la difficile posture et la faiblesse de l’Etat central avant et après la Révolution de 1911, ainsi que la complexité des rapports entre autorités nationales et locales. Elle représente enfin un observatoire privilégié d'une frange de la société chinoise des ports ouverts dont les modes d’expression et de contestation connaissent un tournant significatif durant les années 1910. La mise en connexion de ces mutations croisées conduit à nuancer tant le grand récit historiographique d’un impérialisme occidental triomphant que les représentations orthodoxes associées au nationalisme « moderne » chinois. / This thesis aims to further clarify the territorial deployment of foreign settlements in China in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Although the period examined extends from 1846 to the retrocession of the last concessions in 1946, special emphasis is placed on the 1910s, a decade which spelled the end of expansionist logic. The first part analyzes the project of expansion led by the French Municipality of Tianjin from 1902 to 1946 in the Laoxikai District 老西開. This symbolic example serves both as pillar and springboard for writing a connected history of the expansion of foreign settlements. The case study on Tianjin provides a clearer analysis that encompasses Shanghai and Hankou in the second part. Establishing a perspective on the three cities reveals the principles and conditions under which foreign imperialism evolved in China, where mutually competing forces played leading roles. Further, it captures and illustrates the mechanisms of exchange and compromise engaged with Chinese officials and urban citizens. It also discloses the difficult position and weakness of the Chinese State before and after the 1911 Revolution, and the complexity of the relationship between national and local authorities. Finally, it offers a unique vantage point from which to observe sections of Chinese society within the treaty ports whose forms of expression and protest experienced a significant turning point in the 1910s. Relationships between these intertwined evolutions challenge both the dominant historiographical narrative on Western triumphant imperialism and orthodox representations associated with Chinese "modern" nationalism.

This thesis examines the deep bilateral tensions surrounding the East China Sea (ECS) disagreements between Japan and the People’s Republic of China (PRC) in the period from August 19th 2003 to June 18th 2008 from an actor-centred constructivist liberal viewpoint. The East China Sea disputes could be described as a conflicting difference of opinion over a) the demarcation of maritime territory and Exclusive Economic Zones (EEZ) in which potentially significant energy deposits exist and b) the ownership of the strategically important and historically sensitive Pinnacle (Senkaku/Diaoyu) Islands. This research addresses the question of why, given the fact that China and Japan have a strong interest in co-operation and stable relations with each other, small incidents in the ECS blow up into larger problems, cause approaches to the East China Sea to wax and wane, and move the relationship in a direction that goes against preferred national objectives? In attempting to unravel this puzzle, this work argues that domestic politics and popular negative sentiment have been the major issues that have greatly amplified and politicised the ECS problems and have significantly affected positive progress in negotiations aimed at managing and stabilising these disputes. By examining these, the thesis addresses the question of why China and Japan have been so constrained in their attempts to find a workable bilateral agreement over disputed energy resources and demarcation in the East China Sea. It also indirectly deals with the question of why the conflicting legal complexities surrounding these disagreements contributed to both states so fervently maintaining and defending their claims.