自八十年代始，中國大陸文藝雜誌相繼出現一批帶筆記風格或直接以筆記體寫作的短篇小說。研究者不僅探討此等作品轉化運用傳統文體的寫作現象及美學特徵，更為配合「新時期」之文藝氣象，進而以「新筆記小說」的文類加以歸納，突出其「舊瓶新酒」的現代意義。新筆記小說與筆記傳統的連繫，無疑為論者提供最佳範本，展開「傳統」與「現代」對話和融合的可能性的探討。相關討論嘗試為新筆記小說爭取文學史位置，卻無法脫離「新」與「舊」、「傳統」與「現代」簡單的二分框架，弱化了這些短篇小說作為探索新時期寫作出路的尖兵角色。本文重新提出新筆記小說的研究，認為是理解八十年代文藝界重新定義、拓展現實主義和小說實踐的關鍵。新筆記小說作家結合筆記與小說的特性，其實已觸及敘事的真實與虛構的辯證，在中國的紀實傳統中力尋書寫現實的可能。本文分別以汪曾祺 (1920-1997)、林斤瀾 (1923-2009)和鍾阿城 (1949- )的新筆記小說為研究個案，探討三位作家如何借用筆記小說的文體結構和敘事特質，形構現實主義小說的另類形式，突破意識形態對「現實主義」小說的制約。與此同時，當「現實主義」在「現代性的追求」壓力下面臨一元性的崩解，新筆記小說作家堅持「擬真」的嘗試，顯得意味深長，本文將作進一步的討論。 / Since the 1980s, a number of fictions written in the note-form have emerged in literary magazines on Mainland China. These works were put under a genre named "New Anecdote" (XinBiji Xiaoshuo, 新筆記小說) which implies the transformation from the classical anecdote to the modern anecdote. Researchers put emphasis mainly on the classical aesthetic characteristics found in the new form of the anecdote. However, it is observed that their studies were limited to the simple framework based on the binary oppositions of "old" and "new" as well as "traditional" and "modern". Such discussion had obscured the actual role of the new anecdotes being taken in the particular historical context of China in the New Era. / The form of "New Anecdote" is, in fact, a fusion of note and fiction, which can possibly hit the border of realistic and imaginary narratives. The practice of "New Anecdote" is closely related to the development of Realism in China in the Twentieth Century. Based on the discussion about "reality" from the writers of new anecdotes, this thesis attempts to point out that the "New Anecdote" is a key to understand how the writers of the time re-defined the realistic writings and their relationship to the society in China in the 1980s. / This thesis gives an in-depth analysis of the new anecdotes written by three contemporary writers, namely Wang Zengqi 汪曾祺 (1920-1997), Lin Jinlan 林斤瀾 (1923-2009) and Zhong Acheng (Ah Cheng) 鍾阿城 (1949- ). It will illustrate how these three writers make use of the structure and the narrative style of the anecdote to re-create new forms of realistic fiction, and to achieve their aims of breaking through the ideological constraints of Realism. Meanwhile,since realistic fiction has been considered as an antiquated and declining form under the development of aesthetic modernity in China in the 1980s, it is crucial to profoundly discuss the essence of the new anecdotes with reference to the socio-historical background of the New Era. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 王素韻. / Parallel title from English abstract. / Thesis (M.Phil.) Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2015. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 113-131). / Abstracts also in English. / Wang Suyun.

本論文以民國初年六本通俗文學雜誌的翻譯文本為研究對象，首先根據雜誌翻譯文本及其歷史資料，勾勒雜誌翻譯活動的輪廓，繼而從雜誌翻譯追溯雜誌文人的思考與互動過程，展現當時文化場域的動態場景。論文嘗試回歸雜誌翻譯之歷史語境，從中觀察二十世紀初的中國文化圖景；研究的視野，與翻譯研究中以系統為研究對象的理論有共通之處。論文借助系統理論中「規範」、「經典」等概念來探討雜誌翻譯，同時亦注重文本與概念之歷史淵源；相關文本解讀與概念分析，皆以雜誌原始語境為背景。此外，論文以該時期新文化刊物的翻譯現象為參照，追溯通俗與精英文人通過翻譯而進行的對話與互動，藉此反思雜誌翻譯之於文化場域演變的作用。所涉之對比分析，有助把通俗文學雜誌的翻譯活動重置於民初文化版圖，既為近代翻譯史填補一點空白，亦可在目前以新文化精英為主線的現代文學史論之外，提供另一種敍述歷史的角度。 / Based on a historical study of the translation in six popular literary magazines published in early Republican Shanghai, the thesis attempts to explore dynamic cultural landscape of early modern China by reconstructing the ecology and patterns of magazine translation. In line with the perspectives of system theories in Translation Studies, translation is viewed as both functional constituent and shaping force in its cultural settings. With a keen interest in the historicity of texts and notions, the thesis examines magazine translation by analyzing key concepts in system theories such as ‘norm’ and ‘canon’ in the context of early Republican printed media. Translated texts in the magazines under study are also analyzed in comparison with those published in May-fourth journals in the same period. Magazine translation is then presented as a site of conversation, competition and mutual positioning between popular and elite intellectuals. Offering to fill a gap in Chinese translation history with its reconstructive efforts, the thesis proposes an alternative delineation of cultural history against the ‘grand narrative’ that dismisses the literary practices in Shanghai popular magazines as mere residues of the late Imperial era. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 叶嘉. / Thesis submitted: November 2012. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2013. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 208-214). / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / Ye Jia. / 緒 論 --- p.1 / Chapter 第一節 --- 課題緣起 --- p.1 / Chapter 第二節 --- 理論架構 --- p.4 / Chapter 第三節 --- 研究範圍 --- p.8 / Chapter 第一章 --- 清末民初「通俗」的流變 --- p.13 / Chapter 第一節 --- 「通俗」的定義 --- p.13 / Chapter 第二節 --- 清末到民元：平民教育的初衷 --- p.16 / Chapter 第三節 --- 袁世凱復辟：以「通俗」為名的言論控制 --- p.18 / Chapter 第四節 --- 文學革命之後的「通俗」：从中性到貶義 --- p.20 / Chapter 第五節 --- 上海雜誌界的「通俗」：從啓蒙到暢銷 --- p.22 / Chapter 第六節 --- 解讀「精英」與「通俗」：從對立到互動 --- p.32 / Chapter 第二章 --- 雜誌的外在環境 --- p.37 / Chapter 第一節 --- 雜誌的出版環境 --- p.37 / Chapter 第二節 --- 雜誌的文人圈子 --- p.45 / Chapter 第三章 --- 從雜誌文本看翻譯規範：譯者形象 --- p.55 / Chapter 第一節 --- 從譯書廣告看譯者 --- p.58 / Chapter 第二節 --- 從譯作刊登格式看譯者 --- p.69 / Chapter 第三節 --- 從譯序和譯後記看譯者 --- p.75 / Chapter 第四節 --- 早期《新青年》的譯者形象及其啓示 --- p.82 / Chapter 第四章 --- 從雜誌文本看翻譯規範：從「不忠」到「忠實」 --- p.87 / Chapter 第一節 --- 1910年代：「不忠」為常 --- p.89 / Chapter 第二節 --- 1910年代：抗拒「直譯」 --- p.94 / Chapter 第三節 --- 《新青年》：「忠實」的提出 --- p.99 / Chapter 第四節 --- 1920年代：「忠實」的流行 --- p.102 / Chapter 第五章 --- 從雜誌文本看翻譯規範：「時效」與「實用」 --- p.109 / Chapter 第一節 --- 緣起晚清 --- p.109 / Chapter 第二節 --- 演入民初 --- p.112 / Chapter 第三節 --- 譯叢：獵奇的「時效」與「實用」 --- p.115 / Chapter 第四節 --- 西笑：諧趣的「時效」與「實用」 --- p.126 / Chapter 第六章 --- 「時效」的延續：視覺文本的翻譯 --- p.135 / Chapter 第一節 --- 雜誌插圖：西方世界視覺化 --- p.135 / Chapter 第二節 --- 影戲小：電影時代的先聲 --- p.142 / Chapter 第三節 --- 「雜誌翻譯」：規範與定義重構 --- p.153 / Chapter 第七章 --- 翻譯規範及經典與文化場域之互動 --- p.159 / Chapter 第一節 --- 不拒「經典」，不要「主義」 --- p.160 / Chapter 第二節 --- 重釋林紓：「新」「舊」的對立 --- p.173 / Chapter 第三節 --- 熱議《娜拉》：「新」「舊」的對話 --- p.190 / 結 語 --- p.197 / 後 記 --- p.202 / 徵引書目 --- p.208

University of Macau / Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities / Department of Chinese

Firstly, while the Yao people inhabit in wide geographic regions stretching across Southern China and South East Asia, even overseas, the Paiyao, a branch of the Yao who inhabits only in the Liannan district of the Guangdong province, is unique not only in their geographical inhabitancy but also cultural characteristics. / Secondly, while Yao people's Getang ritual is a wide spread ritual practice with local variations, there has not been any in-depth study on the Getang ritual of the Paiyao people. / The significance of this study are Three-fold. / The thesis aims to study the soundscape of Paiyao ethnic nationality's "Getang Ritual" in Guangdong Province. / Thirdly, with a musicological concern, this thesis approaches its subject from the perspective of "soundscape of the ritual enactment", (Tsao Penyeh 2006: 81) and aspires to reach an understanding of the wider meaning of the Getang ritual among the Paiyao people and their society. / This study consists of the following three processes: (1) Fieldwork to investigate and compile ethnographic texts from both the researcher's observation and insiders' oral narrations and relating to actions in the makings of the ritual soundscape. (2) Analysis of the ritual "sounds", in terms of themselves and their extra-musical factors. (3) Interpretation of the meaning of ritual sounds and their soundscape of Paiyao's Getang ritual within the framework of the belief system that consists of a trinity of sounds and soundscape, ritual enactment and belief. / This thesis has seven chapters, with its theoretical and methodological reverences indebted to ritual studies by Tsao Penyeh (his research of ritual and ritual soundscape of China's belief systems) and Clifford Geertz (his many writings on anthropological theory and methodology, as well as his study of "reinterpretation to other's interpretation"). / 周凱模. / Adviser: Pen-Yeh (Poon-Yee) Tsao. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 69-08, Section: A, page: 2945. / Thesis (doctoral)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2008. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 289-317) and indexes. / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Electronic reproduction. [Ann Arbor, MI] : ProQuest Information and Learning, [200-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / School code: 1307. / Zhou Kaimo.

儒醫是宋以後經過醫學文本訓練的，男性醫者的，文化認同/角色/定位。道醫、巫醫和女性醫者等其他醫者漸成為邊緣他者。儒醫宣稱比其他醫療實踐者更加深諳醫學經典、更加理性。儒醫攀附儒自居，模仿理學門戶互相攻訐，有學派之分。元代婺州朱震亨，「丹溪學派」的創始者，是明代儒醫的典範。本文將以朱震亨和「丹溪學派」為個案，一方面探討儒醫如何建構醫學身體、疾病觀念及其實踐，另一方面探討「丹溪學派」的思想和社會史。 / 第一、二、三章分別從三個角度探討元明儒醫的身體觀。首先，在強烈的「南人」認同之下，元代江浙的士人強調「南/北」身體的差異，「北醫」的療法不適合「南人」的身體，朱震亨被塑造為「南醫」的典範。其次，自劉完素以後，「火」不是日常生活中的火熱之氣，也不是推算運氣的術語，成為元明醫家對身體疾病的想像。據此，朱震亨提出「陽有餘而陰不足」的身體觀，是明代「丹溪學派」遵守的教條。第三，鬼神病因漸漸從儒醫的身體觀中淡出。道教醫學中的「傳尸勞瘵」，混雜了鬼邪和血氣病因，宋元儒醫卻劃分血氣「虛勞」和鬼邪「勞瘵」的界線。朱震亨將「勞瘵」解釋為「陰不足」病。追隨丹溪之後，虞摶病人見鬼實際上是「心神不寧」，清醫吳瑭認為「祝由科」是巫術，儒醫無法容忍鬼邪病因和儀式療法。 / 第四、五章討論儒醫多樣化的實踐。在臨床實踐中如何治療「陰不足」病，「丹溪學派」並不一致，王綸提倡的「補陰丸」在明代江浙醫者的實踐中廣受歡迎，但來自學派內部嚴厲的批評聲同時存在。明代醫家認為唐宋方書治「勞瘵」的天靈蓋「殘忍」，但紫河車卻是明代常用的治療「勞瘵」藥物。儒醫反對儀式療法，但某些驅除鬼邪的針灸療法，改頭換面依然留存在醫學實踐中，比如「秦承祖灸鬼法」。 / 第六、七章指出，從朱震亨到「丹溪學派」，是元代婺州地方士人建設宗族組織、講習理學、建構地方認同背景之下的社會史，也是蘇州城市醫者專業化、組織化的結果。元明政權更迭之後，「丹溪」弟子進入太醫院，依靠政治權威提升「丹溪」的醫學地位。1450年代以後「丹溪」成為商業書坊的暢銷本，注重師承關係的學派逐漸消解，「丹溪」成為大眾通俗的醫學入門文本作者。清代，考據醫學「丹溪」為通俗庸醫，「丹溪」不再是醫者撰寫醫書、醫療實踐的必引權威。 / This thesis aims to explain how Confucian physicians (儒醫) constructed the medical thoughts and practice. A Confucian physician is supposed to be a well-educated gentleman (儒) and a master of the medical classics. From the 12th century on, Confucian physicians gradually became a new identity of the orthodox doctors, while the Taoists, shamans, midwives and surgical practitioners all became the “others. At the same time, among the Confucian Physicians, different schools appeared. The Danxi School (丹溪學派) was a group of disciples following Zhu Zhenheng (朱震亨1282-1358) from the 14th to 15th centuries in Jiangnan (江南) . Zhu was a gentleman from Wuzhou, who was treated as an ideal model of “Confucian physicians through the whole Ming dynasty. / The first three chapters focus on the medical thoughts of Confucian phycians. Chapter One studies on the body of the “Southerners (南人). People living in the territory of Southern Song identified themselves as the “Southerners. This identity was strengthened by the unequal racial policy under the Mongol reign. It motivated the Jiangnan literati to appeal for a medical knowledge body specifically for the “Southerners, which would focus on treating the ailments caused by the “southern environment and dietary habits. Chapter Two explores the concept of “fire. In the Song dynasty, “fire is an element of the prevalent cosmological theory of “the five circulatory phases and the six seasonal influences (五運六氣) . However, in Liu Wansu (劉完素1132-1208) ’s innovative interpretation, the concept of “fire was internalized into the body structure. Zhu Zhenheng inherited this concept of bodily “fire and developed the theory of “yang is always in excess, yin is always deficient (陽有餘而陰不足) , which was later strictly followed by the Danxi School. Chapter Three investigates the disease of “laozhai (勞瘵) . According to the Taoist interpretation, the disease of “laozhai was due to the ancestor’s sin. However, Confucian physicians developed a new meaning in the context of Danxi’s “yin is deficient body. Demons were gradually excluded from the etiology of the Danxi School. / Chapter Four and Five study on the practice of Confucian physicians. The Danxi School didn’t have consensus on how to treat the “yin is deficient disease. Therefore, the therapy of “nourishing yin (滋陰) was quite differential in individual practices. However, it is certain that Confucian physicians tended to use herbs to treat patients who declared themselves suffering from demons. Religious rituals of expelling demons were excluded from their clinical practice. However, Confucian physicians didn’t refuse to use some unusual herbal remedies such as the placenta, or moxibustion that might function as Taoist rituals of expelling demons. / Chapter Six and Seven analyze the rise and fall of the Danxi School. The reason why Zhu became a powerful medical master lies not only in his medical thoughts or skills but in his social activities. He was very active in the lineage organization and local administration. In the local society, Zhu gained the power and fame as an authoritative Confucian gentleman, though he had never received any governmental position. After the death of Zhu, his disciples achieved successful careers as professional doctors in Suzhou (蘇州) . Later when the Ming Empire was established in Nanjing, most of Danxi’s disciples went into the Imperial Medical Service (太醫院) . After the 1450s, Zhu Zhenheng became a best-selling author and a symbol of the popular medicine. The popularity of his works eventually destroyed the structure of the master-disciple relationship in the Danxi School. The Danxi School gradually disappeared. In the end, because the mid-Qing physicians preferred ancient masters such as Zhang Zhongjing (張仲景 fl. 168-196) to the modern, vulgar Danxi, the Danxi School and their medical master faded away from the mainstream medicine. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 張學謙. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2012. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 197-217). / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / Zhang Xueqian. / 導論 --- p.1 / Chapter 一、 --- 儒醫：宋元明清醫者的身份認同 --- p.2 / Chapter 二、 --- 儒醫的理性與實踐 --- p.6 / Chapter 三、 --- 丹溪學派：醫學思想的社會史 --- p.11 / Chapter 四、 --- 研究說明 --- p.16 / Chapter 第一章 --- 元代醫學的「南/北」身體觀 --- p.18 / Chapter 一、 --- 南宋和元：「南人」認同的多層含義 --- p.18 / Chapter 二、 --- 「南/北」身體觀論述 --- p.24 / Chapter 三、 --- 製造「南醫」/「北醫」 --- p.32 / Chapter 四、 --- 結論 --- p.38 / Chapter 第二章 --- 丹溪學派的口號：「陽有餘而陰不足」的身體觀 --- p.40 / Chapter 一、 --- 五運六氣與宋人的身體觀 --- p.40 / Chapter 二、 --- 內丹對醫學身體觀的影響 --- p.46 / Chapter 三、 --- 朱震亨的相火論 --- p.50 / Chapter 四、 --- 結論 --- p.59 / Chapter 第三章 --- 宋明儒醫的「理性化」：以「勞瘵」為中心 --- p.60 / Chapter 一、 --- 《道藏》文本中「勞瘵」的界定 --- p.62 / Chapter 二、 --- 儒醫文本中「勞瘵」的界定 --- p.68 / Chapter 三、 --- 儒醫「勞瘵」與明代社會身體 --- p.73 / Chapter 四、 --- 明代儒醫對「祝由」的困惑 --- p.77 / Chapter 五、 --- 結論 --- p.85 / Chapter 第四章 --- 「陰虛」病與療法 --- p.87 / Chapter 一、 --- 丹溪「陰虛」病及療法 --- p.87 / Chapter 二、 --- 補陰丸與人參之爭 --- p.93 / Chapter 三、 --- 薛己、趙獻可：從補陰血到補陰精 --- p.99 / Chapter 四、 --- 結論 --- p.103 / Chapter 第五章 --- 儒醫的實踐 --- p.105 / Chapter 一、 --- 道醫「追蟲」儀式 --- p.105 / Chapter 二、 --- 儒醫勞瘵療法 --- p.108 / Chapter 三、 --- 天靈蓋與紫河車在明代醫學中的不同遭遇 --- p.113 / Chapter 四、 --- 從「秦承祖灸鬼法」到「灸鬼哭穴」 --- p.121 / Chapter 五、 --- 結論 --- p.125 / Chapter 第六章 --- 從朱震亨到「丹溪學派」的社會史 --- p.126 / Chapter 一、 --- 朱震亨的出身與赤岸朱氏宗族的建構 --- p.129 / Chapter 二、 --- 「儒醫」朱震亨與地方社會 --- p.136 / Chapter （一） --- 朱震亨之行醫 --- p.137 / Chapter （二） --- 朱震亨之醫療產業 --- p.140 / Chapter （三） --- 朱震亨在地方社會的角色 --- p.142 / Chapter 三、 --- 元代婺州的「丹溪」門徒 --- p.147 / Chapter （一） --- 地方醫療資源與組織 --- p.147 / Chapter （二） --- 婺州地方士族的網絡 --- p.151 / Chapter 四、 --- 元末蘇州的「丹溪」門徒 --- p.155 / Chapter 五、 --- 明代太醫院的「丹溪」門徒（1368-1450） --- p.162 / Chapter 六、 --- 結論： --- p.166 / Chapter 第七章 --- 「丹溪」的大眾化與清代醫學的轉折 --- p.167 / Chapter 一、 --- 「丹溪」文本的製造與流傳 --- p.168 / Chapter （一） --- 「丹溪」文本的製造 --- p.168 / Chapter （二） --- 「丹溪」文本的印刷與晚明私人的商業書坊 --- p.178 / Chapter 二、 --- 「丹溪」權威的下降 --- p.183 / Chapter （一） --- 明清醫者對「南/北」身體觀、療法的不同意見 --- p.184 / Chapter （二） --- 「陰不足」到「命門火衰」 --- p.186 / Chapter （三） --- 考據醫學之批評「丹溪」 --- p.188 / Chapter 三、 --- 結論 --- p.192 / 結論 --- p.193 / 參考書目 --- p.197 / Chapter 一、 --- 一手文獻 --- p.197 / Chapter (一) --- 醫書 --- p.197 / Chapter (二) --- 正史 --- p.200 / Chapter (三) --- 文集 --- p.201 / Chapter (四) --- 地方志和家譜 --- p.203 / Chapter (五) --- 筆記和其他： --- p.204 / Chapter 二、 --- 工具書： --- p.206 / Chapter 三、 --- 近人研究： --- p.207 / Chapter (一) --- 中文專書 --- p.207 / Chapter (二) --- 英文專書 --- p.209 / Chapter (三) --- 中文論文 --- p.212 / Chapter (四) --- 英文論文 --- p.214

Taking into account of the colonial nature of modern Hong Kong, this author is to examine how the TWGHs as a medical space gradually developed from one that used only Chinese medicine into one in which Chinese medicine and western medicine coexisted. However, it finally became a western style hospital using only western medicine in the inpatient services in the 1940s, along with the growing hegemony of western medicine that was underpinned by colonial power. The multidimensional relationships among different agents in the process of transformation of medical services in the TWGHs constitutes another important theme of this thesis. These relationships touched upon a series of significant interactions between colonial government and Chinese community, colonial authorities and the Tung Wah Board of Directors, Chinese and western medical practitioners, Chinese community and the Tung Wah authorities, and so on. / The implantation, dissemination and expansion of modern western medicine, as an important part of western learning that infiltrated into the Orient, exerted profound impacts on Chinese traditional medical patterns and Chinese medical ideas and practices. As the center for exchange between Chinese and Western Culture, Hong Kong became a significant space for the spread and practice of western medicine. A wide range of western medical services and activities were delivered and developed by the colonial government, western missionaries, benevolent societies, and private practitioners in order to promote the development and popularization of western medicine among the Chinese community, including the establishment of hospitals, dispensaries and clinics, the opening of medical schools and training of western doctors, and the promotion of public health education. / This thesis also points out that the early intense prejudice and resistance against western medicine is not necessarily and cannot be entirely attributed to the underlying difference in the concept and practice of healing and sickness in the two different medical systems. Instead, I argue that a number of technical and practical factors in the delivery of western medical services provided by different agencies greatly affected and determined the choices and uses of the Chinese population. At the same time, the gradual recognition and reception of western medicine among the Chinese was not only the passive result of the compulsory western medical system developed by the colonial government, but also an active realization of the real efficiency and value of western medicine among the indigenous population and their consent and acceptance of its ideology and cultural value, to a great extent. / This thesis examines the confrontation and interaction between Chinese medicine and Western medicine, and the diverse and complicated Chinese attitudes towards western medicine by studying the history of the introduction of western medicine into Hong Kong and the case of transformation of Chinese and western medical services in the Tung Wah Group of Hospitals (TWGHs) during the period between 1894 and 1941. The history of the TWGHs dates back to the opening of the Tung Wah Hospital in 1870. Originally intended for the accommodation and treatment of those Chinese who had strong fears and prejudices against western medicine, the Tung Wah Hospital was founded to provide treatment only by Chinese doctors using Chinese medicine. The bubonic plague of 1894 in Hong Kong marked an important turning point in the history of medical services of the Tung Wah Hospital. Since then, western medicine was formally introduced into the Tung Wah Hospital in 1897. / 楊祥銀. / Adviser: Hon-ming Yip. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 69-02, Section: A, page: 0715. / Thesis (doctoral)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2007. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 279-306). / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Electronic reproduction. [Ann Arbor, MI] : ProQuest Information and Learning, [200-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / School code: 1307. / Yang Xiangyin.

La tesi si concentra sul Partito Nazionalista Cinese negli anni Venti come punto privilegiato di osservazione del cambiamento politico della Cina dopo la Prima guerra mondiale. Questo decennio rappresentò un momento di definizione identitaria sia per i comunisti sia per i nazionalisti. La storiografia ne ha sottolineato numerosi aspetti, ma si è finora occupata del periodo 1919-1928 come una preistoria degli anni Trenta piuttosto che come un autonomo segmento di storia cinese. Studi recenti hanno superato implicitamente questo approccio criticando due date periodizzanti fondamentali per il Novecento cinese: la nascita della Repubblica nazionalista (1911) e la nascita della Repubblica Popolare (1949). A metà tra queste due date, gli anni Venti sono emersi come snodo decisivo nel passaggio da impero a Stato nazionale, durante cui si definì un nuovo spazio di discussione politica. Questo processo, pur interno, subì l’influsso delle strategie internazionali di sovietici e statunitensi dando vita a una nuova visione non soltanto della rivoluzione ma anche dello Stato post-rivoluzionario. Le classi dirigenti nazionalista e comunista, durante la collaborazione, si rivelarono dinamiche e tale “competizione” si trasferì anche all’interno di ciascun movimento diventando un fattore determinante per il successo o il fallimento del partito inteso come moderna formazione politica. / The thesis focuses on the Chinese Nationalist Party in the 1920s as a special standpoint to analyze the political changes in China after the World War I. That decade was crucial for shaping the identity of nationalists and communists. Many works have already examined some aspects, but they mostly considered the years 1919-1928 as a pre-history of the Thirties rather than an autonomous part of Chinese history. Recent studies have overcome this approach by criticizing two of the main periodization in the Chinese twentieth century: the birth of the nationalist Republic (1911) and the birth of the People’s Republic (1949). Halfway, the 1920s stood out as a critical juncture in the transition from empire to nation-state. A new space of political discussion was defined. The process, albeit internal, was under the influence of the USSR and US international strategies and gave birth not only to a new vision of the revolution, but also to a vision of the post-revolutionary state. Also, the nationalist and communist leaderships turned out to be dynamic. That "competition" may be seen also within the two political movements and became a shaping factor for the success or failure of the party as a modern political formation.