The expression ‘New Culture Movement’ was born in summer 1919, in the intersections of academic debate, political activism, media coverage and intellectual marketing strategies. I have traced the emergence of the phrase and the discourses around it, using sources like journals, newspapers, student essays, advertisements and conference protocols. The New Culture Movement was a buzzword, deployed by practically-minded but lesser-known intellectuals to promote agendas they had held long before its invention. Many notions we associate with the Movement until today already surrounded it in 1919: for example, that it was connected to the political protests of ‘May Fourth,’ and driven by star intellectuals such as Hu Shi and Chen Duxiu. But closer scrutiny reveals that the New Culture Movement and its network of associations were a construct, an amalgam of newspaper stories and intellectual marketing ploys: the connection to May Fourth was created by newspapers; the intellectuals at the periphery drew upon Hu Shi’s and Chen Duxiu’s prestige to add glamour to their own agendas. Nevertheless, the New Culture Movement shaped China’s 20th century. As only some agendas could credibly be sold as the Movement, it catalysed the plethora of competing agendas that had emerged since the 19th century to tackle the challenges of a changed world order. The New Culture Movement later became a founding myth of ‘Modern China’ and was regarded as the obvious result of global trends towards ‘modernisation,’ which visionary intellectuals recognised. But more recent literature has decentred the Movement, noted a longer history of its ideas and the careerism of its participants. I drive this point further by showing that, at the Movement’s very core, were practically-minded business and marketing strategies, deployed by numerous, lesser-known actors. It was in this way that the course for 20th-century China and one of its founding myths was set.

稿本 / 論文(博士)--香港中文大學硏究院中國語言及文學學部,1992. / 參考文獻: leaves 703-736 / 朱國藩. / Chapter 第一章 --- 前言 --- p.1 / Chapter 第二章 --- 諸家疑偽說述評 --- p.9 / Chapter 第一節 --- 張之洞說 --- p.9 / Chapter 第二節 --- 衛聚賢說 --- p.33 / Chapter 第三節 --- 巴納說 --- p.54 / Chapter 第四節 --- 小結 --- p.89 / Chapter 第三章 --- 詞彙辨偽的新嘗試 --- p.92 / Chapter 第一節 --- 晉侯盤的啓示 --- p.92 / Chapter 第二節 --- 毛公鼎詞彙的重新考察 --- p.128 / Chapter 一、 --- 亡不閈于文武耿光 --- p.136 / Chapter 二、 --- ?堇大命 --- p.145 / Chapter 三、 --- 命女辥我邦我家内外 --- p.153 / Chapter 四、 --- 虩許上下若否雽四方 --- p.157 / Chapter 五、 --- 余非庸又昏，女毋敢妄寍 --- p.167 / Chapter 六、 --- ??大命、?夙夕 --- p.172 / Chapter 七、 --- ?、毋敢龔?，龔?迺敄鰥寡 --- p.185 / Chapter 八、 --- 善效乃友正 --- p.191 / Chapter 九、 --- 女毋敢? --- p.196 / Chapter 十、 --- 巳 --- p.199 / Chapter 十一、 --- 參有? --- p.203 / Chapter 十二、 --- 虎臣 --- p.206 / Chapter 十三、 --- 呂乃族干吾王身 --- p.211 / Chapter 十四、 --- 金雁 --- p.223 / Chapter 第三節 --- 小結 --- p.288 / Chapter 第四章 --- 毛公鼎銘文與傳世文獻及同期銅器銘文的比較 --- p.289 / Chapter 第一節 --- 毛公鼎銘文與傳世文獻的比較 --- p.289 / Chapter 一、 --- 舍命 --- p.290 / Chapter 二、 --- 金車 --- p.296 / Chapter 三、 --- 公族 --- p.300 / Chapter 四、 --- 師氏 --- p.303 / Chapter 五、 --- ?圭?寶 --- p.306 / Chapter 六、 --- ??? --- p.311 / Chapter 七、 --- 金甬逪衡 --- p.319 / Chapter 八、 --- 埶小大楚賦 --- p.323 / Chapter 九、 --- 卿事寮、大史寮 --- p.331 / Chapter 十、 --- 小子 --- p.334 / Chapter 第二節 --- 毛公鼎銘文與同期銅器銘文的比較 --- p.365 / Chapter 一、 --- 今余唯?巠先王命 --- p.366 / Chapter 二、 --- 無唯正昏 --- p.372 / Chapter 三、 --- 命女亟一方 --- p.385 / Chapter 四、 --- 取?卅? --- p.390 / Chapter 第五章 --- 總結 --- p.412 / Chapter 附錄 --- 毛公鼎銘文簡釋 --- p.416 / 毛公鼎器形拓本 --- p.674 / 毛公鼎銘文拓本 --- p.675 / 董作賓毛公鼎銘文摹本 --- p.682 / 陳介祺手題毛公鼎釋文 --- p.683 / 晉侯盤銘文拓本 --- p.684 / 引用銅器目錄 --- p.692 / 參考及徴引書目 --- p.703

by Lam Wing Cheong. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1996. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 138-146). / Some music examples in Chinese. / Abstract --- p.iv / List of Tables and Figures --- p.v / List of Music Examples --- p.vi / Maps of Hong Kong --- p.vii / Chapter Chapter One --- Introduction / Chapter 1.1 --- Definitions of Context and Customization --- p.1 / Chapter 1.2 --- Conceptual Framework --- p.2 / Chapter 1.3 --- The Field --- p.3 / Chapter 1.4 --- The Structure of Cantonese Operatic Song --- p.5 / Chapter 1.5 --- Source Materials and Methodology --- p.12 / Chapter 1.6 --- Scope and Limitations --- p.14 / Chapter 1.7 --- Translation and Transliteration --- p.16 / Chapter Chapter Two --- History of Street Performance and Cantonese Operatic Song Groups at Temple Street / Chapter 2.1 --- A brief history of Chinese street performance --- p.18 / Chapter 2.2 --- A brief history of street performance in Hong Kong --- p.22 / Chapter 2.3 --- The organization of the groups --- p.29 / Chapter 2.4 --- The financial system and its function --- p.31 / Chapter 2.5 --- Concluding Notes --- p.33 / Chapter Chapter Three --- "Performers, Performing Style, and Programming" / Chapter 3.1 --- From ambulatory to sedentary performers --- p.38 / Chapter 3.2 --- Performing style of the song groups --- p.39 / Chapter 3.3 --- The performance programming created by song groups --- p.41 / Chapter 3.4 --- Concluding notes --- p.45 / Chapter Chapter Four --- Roles and Functions of the Audience and the Interlocking Relationship between Audience and Performers / Chapter 4.1 --- Historical background --- p.48 / Chapter 4.2 --- The audience at Temple Street --- p.51 / Chapter 4.3 --- The interlocking relationship between audience and performers --- p.56 / Chapter 4.4 --- Concluding notes --- p.67 / Chapter Chapter Five --- Customization of Performance / Chapter 5.1 --- Customization of the instrumental section --- p.71 / Chapter 5.2 --- Customization of repertoire --- p.74 / Chapter 5.3 --- Concluding notes --- p.87 / Chapter Chapter Six --- Conclusion --- p.90 / Tables --- p.97 / Figures --- p.100 / Music Examples --- p.102 / Glossary --- p.129 / References --- p.138

by Maggy Chan Mei Lan. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1998. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 171-182). / Abstract also in Chinese. / Chapter Chapter One --- Introduction --- p.1 / Chapter Chapter Two --- Historical Background --- p.17 / Chapter 2.1: --- Whimsical Garden: A short Visit to the Realm of Children's Literature in the West / Chapter 2.2: --- Rejuvenated Roses: The Growth of Hong Kong Children's Literature and Its Tinge of Local Colors / Chapter 2.3: --- Magic Wand to the Future: Subversive Children's Literature / Chapter Chapter Three --- Undressing the Dressed: To Overturn Traditional Modes of Adornment --- p.68 / Chapter Chapter Four --- "If Adults Are Not Always Right, Who Is?" --- p.93 / Chapter Chapter Five --- Inverted Chalkboard: School of Subversion --- p.121 / Chapter Chapter Six --- Conclusion: A New Chapter --- p.140 / Appendix I´ؤBiographical Notes on Some HK Children's Writers --- p.147 / Appendix II´ؤNewspaper cuttings --- p.149 / Works Cited --- p.171

Bunkyo Hifuron consists of six chapters, namely 'Heaven', 'Earth', 'East', 'West', 'South', and 'North'. The core part of 'East' is twenty-nine kinds of Dui (couplets), in which Kukai quoted and edited different theories on Dui by early Chinese scholars so that the reader could understand how to use each kind of Dui. Since Dui is a common rhetorical form in Chinese literature, Kukai's instructive information is of great use to scholars. Apart from textual criticism, rhetorical research has been conducted on the materials. However, no comprehensive research has ever been done on the linguistic concepts that underlie twenty-nine kinds of Dui in Bunkyo Hifuron. Therefore, this study will be the first attempt of its kind to address these problems. / Bunkyo Hifuron, is the work by a Japanese Buddhist monk, Kukai (774-835), who studied Buddhism in China. It is an important writing both in the history of Japanese literature and in the study of Chinese literature. In this work, Kukai edited the materials he obtained during his study in China. Some of the original texts quoted in Bunkyo Hifuron are already lost in China, which makes this work even more valuable for textual criticism. It has thus attracted many scholars' attention in their attempts to investigate the poetics and the prosodic techniques in Tang [Special character omitted] and pre-Tang texts. / This thesis is divided into five chapters: the first chapter is the preface, in which the purpose and methodology of this research are explained; in the second chapter, a general account is given of the structure of each kind of Dui; the third chapter analyzes the linguistic concepts underlying the twenty-nine kinds of Dui; the fourth chapter attempts to account for the systematic structure in the twenty-nine kinds of Dui; and the last part is the conclusion. / 文映霞. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 70-06, Section: A, page: 2022. / Thesis (doctoral)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2008. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 364-379). / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Electronic reproduction. [Ann Arbor, MI] : ProQuest Information and Learning, [200-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / School code: 1307. / Wen Yingxia.

伍紅玉. / Submitted: November 2007. / Thesis (doctoral)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2008. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 197-204). / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / Wu Hongyu.

林萬儀. / 論文(哲學碩士) -- 香港中文大學硏究院音樂學部, 1996. / 參考文献 : leaves 116-127. / Lin Wanyi. / 目錄 --- p.i / 撮要 --- p.iii / Chapter 第1章 --- 導論 --- p.1 / Chapter 1.1 --- 「粤曲女伶」的槪念 / Chapter 1.2 --- 粤曲女伶的硏究槪況 / Chapter 1.3 --- 硏究範圍 / Chapter 1.4 --- 考查工作及資料 / Chapter 1.5 --- 硏究目的 / Chapter 第2章 --- 粤曲女伶的出現及發展 --- p.10 / Chapter 2.1 --- 第一階段：出現及初期發展(1862-1923) / Chapter 2.2 --- 第二階段：二、三十年代的發展(1923-1937) / Chapter 2.3 --- 第三階段：戰時的發展(1937-1945) / Chapter 2.4 --- 第四階段：戰後十五年內的發展(1945-1959) / Chapter 2.5 --- 第五階段：六十年代的發展(1960-1969) / Chapter 2.6 --- 第六階段：七十及八十年代前半期的發展(1970-1985) / Chapter 2.7 --- 第七階段：近十年的發展(1986-1996) / Chapter 第3章 --- 香港當代粤曲女伶槪述 --- p.34 / Chapter 3.1 --- 人數與活躍程度 / Chapter 3.2 --- 年齡與年資 / Chapter 3.3 --- 演唱粤曲以外的有關事業 / Chapter 3.4 --- 組織及聯繫 / Chapter 第4章 --- 女伶的演出場合 --- p.52 / Chapter 4.1 --- 歌壇 / Chapter 4.2 --- 地檔 / Chapter 4.3 --- 會堂 / Chapter 4.4 --- 宴會 / Chapter 4.5 --- 歌台 / Chapter 第5章 --- 女伶的演出 --- p.66 / Chapter 5.1 --- 演出的準備及過程 / Chapter 5.2 --- 演出所用的曲本 / Chapter 5.3 --- 觀眾的參與及影響 / Chapter 5.4 --- 演唱與侍奉：女伶的雙重角色 / Chapter 第6章 --- 女伶的唱腔風格及流派 --- p.90 / Chapter 6.1 --- 唱腔及唱腔流派的含意 / Chapter 6.2 --- 粤劇、粤曲的唱腔流派 / Chapter 6.3 --- 當代女伶所屬唱腔流派 / Chapter 6.4 --- 「女伶腔」的繼承及槪念的演變 / Chapter 第7章 --- 結論 --- p.105 / Chapter 7.1 --- 總結 / Chapter 7.2 --- 粤曲女伶與中國優伶文化 / Chapter 7.3 --- 粤曲女伶與中國樂妓文化 / Chapter 7.4 --- 女伶現象與香港文化 / Chapter 7.5 --- 未來硏究的方向：音樂與性別 / 參考著作目錄 --- p.116

The study of diaspora dictates a yearning to return home which finds its Chinese equivalent in the notion of louye-guigen ( 落葉歸根) - returning to the roots. However, reality is that diaspora comes to an end after settlement for two to three generations. We do see the prevailing trend of luodi-shenggen (落地生根) – the planting of permanent roots in the soils of different countries of Chinese overseas. In some Chinese communities, luodi-shenggen turns out to be a total assimilation while others developed a uniquely Chinese identity. This dissertation seeks to examine how the Sinophone as ennuciative tactic to afford a sense of homeliness to the Malaysian Chinese – Mahua (馬華) who maintain a practice of Sinitic languages in their daily life for generations while they unmistakably identify themselves as Malaysian. Such identification situates them in an inbetweenness where they engage in constant dialog to engender new speech act. Through the study of Chinese street names in George Town, Penang and the Sinophone cultural troupe Dongdiyin (動地吟), I argue that Sinitic languages afford the Malaysian Chinese a sense of home and that Sinitic languages are employed as a tactic in face of the grand narratives of their mother Chinese culture and the Malaysian national discourse, and to displace them. / published_or_final_version / Literary and Cultural Studies / Master / Master of Arts

Between 1919 and 1934, as members of China's Guomindang (Nationalist Party) struggled to take control of and transform the country, they increasingly appropriated language and symbols associated with the fallen Qing Dynasty. At the same time, these were accompanied in party discourse by radical appeals that included strong critiques of China's past. In this they were far from unique: studies of nationalisms around the world have found them to combine appeals to the new and the old. Yet in China this combination incited particular controversy, as Guomindang members and others, wrestling with the cultural legacy of the empire, put forward powerfully radical critiques not only of the culture of the past but also of traditionalist appeals to it. The result was distinctive textual practices I term 'revolutionary traditionalism', which appropriated cultural elements of the imperial orthodoxy while reconciling these appropriations with radical language. Yet this revolutionary traditionalism could not unproblematically form a unified modern nationalist orthodoxy. Radical and traditionalist positions in regard to culture recurred through power struggles within and beyond the party. Through these struggles, by the end of the 1920s revolutionary traditionalism came to characterise the new Nationalist Government formed by Guomindang members in Nanjing. While like other nationalists Guomindang members reinvented the language and symbols to which they appealed, however, the case of Confucius shows that they could not unilaterally control these reinterpretations. The central place of Confucius in national culture was established through a process of negotiation, as groups identifying themselves as 'Confucian' petitioned the state, appropriating its own traditionalist discourse, for recognition and commemoration. Yet these Confucians, pursuing their own often religious agendas, also cast doubt on the authenticity of the state's commitment. Revolutionary traditionalism thus remained unstable, repeatedly challenged both from radical and traditionalist positions.

This article explores the shifting relationship between the state and the rural elites in Sichuan during the last decades of the Qing dynasty through the lens of taxation and public debt by using a creditor-debtor model as a theoretical framework. Sichuan’s unique rewarded land tax surcharge, called the “Contribution” and levied since 1864, established a relationship of symbolic and economic indebtedness of the imperial and local state to the taxpayer. Western-inspired reforms after 1898 directly attacked the symbolic and economic bonds established by the Contribution. The Railway Rent Share tax shifted the creditor-debtor relationship from the state to the public Sichuan-Hankou Railway Company by making individual taxpayers into shareholders. When Beijing eventually banned what it saw as a privatization of taxation and decided to nationalize the railway company, this ignited the Railway Protection Movement, which precipitated the 1911 Revolution in Sichuan.