Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1951. / Typescript. Vita. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 239-254).

Thesis (M.A.)--Carleton University, 1988. / Also available in electronic format on the Internet.

This thesis considers the representation of manly identity in the works of George MacDonald, and the way in which that identity is formed in relation to shifting power networks and contemporary social discourses. I argue that the environment of technological and societal change experienced in the mid-Victorian era (in the wake of industrialisation, urbanisation, changes in suffrage and war) led to a cultural need to re-align social, political, physical and economic power within a framework of male moral strength. Taking his lead from Thomas Carlyle and German transcendentalism, MacDonald promoted a paternalist ‗ideal‘ of manliness that articulated a synthesis of moral and physical power, yet which also served to promote a paradigm of domestic authority within diverse areas of male interaction. The dual purposes of this ideal were the defence of national identity (the purview of what I term the ‗Soldier body‘), and the enforcement of a paternalist authority hierarchy that is swiftly subsumed within a hierarchy of social status. As a result, we see the growth of close inter-relationships between the representation of manly identity and the language of class, heavily influenced by Christian socialist narratives of individual development through social education and quiescence. Moreover, we begin to witness disturbing scenes of violence and control, as aspects of MacDonald‘s culture defy confinement within his model of patriarchal domestic authority.

This is an analysis of how fin-de-siècle Vienna and its mayor, Karl Lueger, influenced the development of Adolf Hitler’s worldview. The works of many authors were consulted in conjunction with newspapers and memoirs of the period in order to gain a better understanding of what the environment of the Austrian capital was like in the fin-de-siècle period. Several of Vienna’s political, social, and artistic facets are analyzed in an attempt to prove that the general atmosphere of the city influenced Adolf Hitler greatly during his formative years. It is concluded that while Adolf Hitler’s Weltanschauung did not completely crystallize until after World War I, much of what contributed to his personal and political ideology resulted from his personal experiences in Vienna.

Issued also as a Thesis (Ph. D.)--Columbia University. / "Notes and references" at end of each chapter.

Il presente studio è dedicato ad un'analisi del pensiero filosofico di F. D. Maurice (1805-1872), pastore anglicano, prima professore di letteratura inglese e storia presso il King's College di Londra e poi di filosofia morale e teologia presso l'Università di Cambridge, e si focalizza in particolare sui concetti di conscience e social order, nuclei speculativi in cui convergono i molteplici interessi di questo Autore. Dopo aver presentato una ricostruzione dei suoi anni di formazione, la ricerca considera i primi scritti di Maurice, di carattere etico e antropologico, dai quali emerge una decisa critica sia al soggettivismo razionalista, sia allo scetticismo empirista dell'epoca, e una riproposta dell'oggettività dell'esperienza e della conoscenza morali. Affrontando poi i suoi scritti di carattere socio-politico e di argomento religioso, si analizzano i fondamenti del vivere associato e il modello educativo proposto da Maurice, insieme ai suoi saggi su problemi storici e politici del tempo e alla polemica di argomento gnoseologico e teologico che lo ha opposto a Henry Mansel, a riguardo delle capacità e dei limiti della conoscenza umana. La ricerca considera infine il tema della coscienza collocando la trattazione mauriciana in materia di ontologia, antropologia, gnoseologia ed etica sociale. / This thesis is a study and critical analysis of the philosophical work of F. D. Maurice (1805-1872), Anglican priest, first professor of English literature and history at King's College, London, and later professor of morals and theology at Cambridge University. The thesis focuses on Maurice's ideas of conscience and social order, topics which uniquely characterise and best exemplify the divergent and speculative aspects of his thought. After reconstructing Maurice's education, the thesis considers his first writings about ethics and anthropology: these are characterized by a strong critique of both rationalistic subjectivism and the moral scepticism typical of empiricism. As a response Maurice stressed the objectivity of experience and consequent possibility of a genuinely moral knowledge. Then, considering Maurice's political and social works, the research presents an analysis of the basis of human social life, the pedagogic model proposed by the author, and his essays about the mid 19th century historical and political situation. In the same section, as a means of further elucidation, the thesis evaluates Maurice's debate with Henry Mansel about the capacity and the limits of human knowledge. The present study, finally, considers the topic of conscience, placing his thought within the fields of ontology, anthropology, knowledge, and social ethics.

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Les quarante-cinq premières années de la Troisième République se caractérisent par une politique de laïcisation touchant de nombreux domaines, à commencer par l’éducation, politique qui culmine en 1905 avec la loi de Séparation des Eglises et de l’Etat. La ville de Lyon, qui avait connu durant les deux premiers tiers du XIXème siècle une renaissance particulièrement forte du catholicisme, se manifestant par la création d’œuvres dynamiques, se voit confrontée en retour à une vague particulièrement puissante d’anticléricalisme. La confrontation des deux groupes idéologiquement opposés, que l’on peut nommer « clérical » et « anticlérical », détermine toute une succession de crises, d’accalmies, de recompositions, dont les spécificités lyonnaises ne pas toujours liées à celles du contexte national. Dans ses aspects concrets, cette lutte n’est pas perçue de la même façon chez tous ceux qui se rassemblent autour de l'étiquette « anticléricale » : les ouvriers de la Guillotière n’ont pas les mêmes griefs à formuler contre le clergé que les radicaux du « Comité de la rue de Grôlée ». Néanmoins, autant l’anticléricalisme reste assez simple à définir, autant le cléricalisme se révèle plus difficile à appréhender : il dépend d’abord du regard de l’autre, notamment de l’anticlérical. Les diverses manifestations de défense religieuse d’un catholicisme qui se perçoit alors volontiers comme une citadelle assiégée, les multiples attaques contre le clergé, voire contre la religion, des hommes au pouvoir, s’inscrivent à Lyon, sur la longue durée, dans le droit fil d’une série de luttes, d’insurrections et de répressions, dont chaque camp revendique - ou non - la postérité idéologique. / One of the main features of the first forty five years of the Third Republic is a policy of secularization in many fields, beginning with education and reaching its climax in 1905 when the law on the separation between church and state was passed (given the French context at the time, it especially targeted the catholic church). During the first two thirds of the XIXth century Lyons had known a strong revival of Catholicism which manifested itself by the creation of dynamic charitable organizations. The town then had to face a sudden increase of anticlericalism. The confrontation between two groups that were politically opposed – let us name them “clerical” and “anticlerical” – sparked crisis after crisis, followed by lulls and reconstructions, all these being sometimes different from what was happening at the national level, due to the particular characteristics of the town. In concrete terms not all that had gathered under the banner of anti-clericalism held the same opinion about the struggle: the workers in the district of La Guillotière did not hold the same grievances against the clergy as the radicals in the “rue de Grôlée committee”. Yet, although anticlericalism can be easily defined, clericalism proves more difficult to apprehend: in the first place it depends on the perception the others, and more specifically those who support the anticlerical faction, have of us. Catholicism then tends to see itself as a besieged fortress and the different manoeuvres set up to defend its religion, the numerous attacks against the clergy, even against religion from men in power are, in Lyons, quite in keeping with a long succession of struggles, insurrections and suppressions of which each side claims -or does not claim- the ideological posterity.

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