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This thesis examines health promotion discourse in Ottawa during the COVID-19 pandemic to explore what it means to be a responsible citizen. Using press releases/special statements and tweets from January 2020 to November 2022 from city officials and city departments in Ottawa, this thesis employed critical discourse analysis (CDA) to explore potential changes in health promotion discourse and meaning-making, asking how citizenship was remade in the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic. The findings support claims that health is increasingly neoliberalized, with a greater emphasis placed on individual health as a condition of responsible citizenship. This increased neoliberalization ultimately shifts our attention away from state responsibilities vis-à-vis citizens, and in this case, the neglected role of local governments in managing health crises.

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Post-reunification developments in German society, including the intensification of racism and nationalism, and the question of German identity, have led to a wide-ranging international debate. My thesis discusses some of the controversial issues and arguments raised, in an effort to understand the specific forms of contemporary German racism. The legal status and the political economy of asylum seekers are analysed, as are the debates leading to the mid-1993 change in Germany's Basic Law. Until then, a unique right which guaranteed asylum had existed. Its insertion into (West) Germany's provisional constitution in 1949 had been more ideologically than altruistically motivated. The change in legislation, primarily aimed at appeasing the racists, had the immediate effect of curbing numbers. Focusing on East-West migration, Germany's constitutional policy of accepting ethnic Germans from Eastern Europe is scrutinised. Previously a tool in the Cold War armoury, this open-armed approach was curtailed by an embryonic immigration law. In the aftermath of the collapse of 'communism' and German reunification, the integration of foreigners and of east- and ethnic Germans raised new questions about their respective rights. An examination of the changing terms of debate about citizenship and identity in German society reveals the different consequences for both citizens and non-citizens. Through briefly comparing German with French citizenship, the peculiarity of the former, and the framework for assessing the current 'dual nationality versus naturalisation' controversy, is established. Political and theoretical interest in German identity has resurfaced. In determining the key components of post-war identity, I found that anti-communism had stood out in serving as a negative reference point; now it is increasingly being replaced by racism. The mixture of biological and political factors in the new make-up of German collective identity appears to leave no room for foreigners. The critique of the contemporary German Left's approach to racism and identity is backed up by events in the city state of Bremen, particularly around the 1991 local elections, which - alongside fascist successes - revealed the Left's difficulty in sustaining a consistent anti-racism. The conclusion indicates that the issues of asylum, immigration and ethnic Germans had required serious answers before 1989. Reunification catapulted them to centre stage. The lack of a coherent theory and strategy is reflected in the ad-hoc, contradictory nature of policies dealing with the various categories of migrants. The 'solutions' proposed within the context of the German nation state are finally contrasted with those currently discussed at the European level.

This study examines traditional and alternative citizenship models such as legal, flexible, global and cultural citizenship. These types of citizenship lay the foundation for the understanding of 'liminal citizenship.' This study identifies international students as liminal citizens and gauges the role of theatre in encouraging them to be civically engaged by creating a model for using applied theatre to 1) make international students aware of the possibilities of inclusion within their host community; and 2) empower them to become active members in it. / text

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This paper examines the influence that political, societal, and educational trends and characteristics have on citizenship education within official curriculum documents. The Social Studies 9 curricular documents of 1971, 1991, 1999, and 2008 are analyzed in order to determine the type of citizen and citizenship education that was promoted during those years. The analysis considers only the official curriculum documents for the period in question, as opposed to actual classroom practice. The curricular documents are analysed in light of prevailing currents and countercurrents in Canada during the period from 1970 to the present and a typology of citizenship education ranging from traditional to social activist and reconstructionist. The interpretations and conclusions highlight a history of competing and complimentary currents and counter-currents within the documents and a movement in citizenship education from less active roles for students to increasingly socially and globally aware citizens which continually rests on democratic values. The documents also highlight the influence of regional development concerning the role of participation and the natural environment in citizenship education in Saskatchewan.

Background: The last decade has had many changes within the management of organisations in the public sector and several public sector organisations have implemented New Public Management. This has lead to research becoming more emphasised in universities lately, mostly because international ranking systems put more weight to it. At the same time recent literature underestimates the contribution of citizenship behaviour to public organizations and the wider society. This opens up to an interesting debate on how New Public Managament affects academic citizenship. Purpose of the study: The purpose of this study is to investigate the impact of New Public Management on academic citizenship at the University of the Witwatersrand in South Africa. It will explore how certain characteristics of New Public Managementaffect academics ability to perform academic citizenship. This study will also look at the practical implications for the university. Methodology: In order to conduct this study a qualitative approach was chosen. The research design is a single case study that focuses on one specific setting, in this case the University of the Witwatersrand in Johannesburg, South Africa. The empirical data was gathered through interviewing 10 academics at the university with semi-structured interviews. Conclusion: The conducted study has shown that New Public Managament does affect academic citizenship. The study shows that certain New Public Management characteristics affect the academics ability to perform academic citizenship, which leads to it being pushes a side to a certain extent. The implications of academic citizenship being pushed a side affects both the university and the students as well as the contribution to the society.

Philosophiae Doctor - PhD / I set out to rethink the ongoing conflict in North Kivu and South Kivu in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). I highlight two problems with regards to the current conceptualisation of the conflict in North Kivu and South Kivu. The first is a theoretical problem and here I demonstrate that the Banyarwanda and Banyamulenge’s quest for belonging has so far been restricted to citizenship. Congolese Banyarwanda and the Banyamulenge find themselves in a peculiar situation, at various times in the postcolonial Congolese state they had recognition from above but lacked recognition from below. It is in this context that a politics of belonging developed. The second problem is with regards to the history of the conflict. I argue that most scholarly works take the 1993 conflict in North Kivu as the starting point of the conflict, but the conflict can be traced back to an earlier date. It was with this in mind that I pose the following question: Can the conflict in North and South Kivu in the DRC be considered as a politics of belonging between indigenous Congolese and Kinyarwanda speaking Congolese, and a contest for survival between Hutu and Tutsi elites?