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<p>The purpose of the study was to explore what parents expect of schools regarding citizenship and moral education. It was argued that it is important that parents' views are taken into accouint when exploring citizenship and moral education in the schools in order to enhance congruence between values and associated virtues promoted at school and at home.</p>

The constitutional presidantial decree no. 33/1945 Coll. and its meaning in the Czech republic law system. My interest in this topic woke up many media cases involved aristrocracy and major capital owners, who during the 2nd World War changed of the nationality and signed up for Germans, moreover participated in breaking down of Czechoslovakia. The aim of this thesis was trying to understand this period issue, with respect to historical and actual jurisprudence. These presidential decrees has always represented a symbol of national pride and glory for me, however, the major part of community associated them solely with deportation German minorities from Czechoslovakia. The reason for pride is the highest moral and professional standard of the political representation, who was able to create and establish oneself as government recognized as representative of Czech nation by most other states. This government, working in exile (contemporary in Englang), was headed by the president, Edvard Beneš, well known and respected by the whole world. This political compilation prepared conditions of post-war situation and reconstruction in Czechoslovakia in many fields. It should be higlighted, that the transfer of German and Hungarian minorities was not only problem of Czechoslovakia, but it had been done as a...

This educational history thesis contributes to knowledge of citizenship education in Australia during the 1940s and 1950s. It provides unique perspectives on an important part of Australian citizenship educational history. This examination of citizenship education also helps to explain contemporary trends and the recent revival of citizenship education in multicultural Australia. Following the Second World War, Australian political leaders initiated an unprecedented immigration programme to help develop and defend post-war Australia. The programme enjoyed bipartisan support and was extraordinary in terms of magnitude and nature. It became the catalyst for a citizenship education campaign orchestrated by Federal political leaders for the benefit of all Australians. The citizenship education campaign was, however, primarily aimed at non-British adult migrants. The intention of the Federal Government was to maintain the cultural hegemony of the Anglo-Celts evident in pre-war Australia. In accordance with government policy, the new arrivals were expected to assimilate into the Australian community and become loyal citizens. Citizenship rested on a common national language and thus, the focus was on teaching migrants of non-British origin English for the workplace, everyday intercourse and, as a means to dissuade migrant enclaves. This thesis comprises of three sections which illustrate how the citizenship education campaign was extended through: (i) official education channels; (ii) the media, specifically the Australian Broadcasting Commission; and (iii) annual citizenship conventions which encompasses a case study of the Good Neighbour Movement in New South Wales. These particular areas have been chosen as they identify important and different ways the campaign was expressed and funded. Discussion of the financial arrangements concerning the implementation of the campaign is important as it uniquely illustrates the power of the Federal authorities to direct the campaign as they considered necessary. It also highlights conflict between Federal and State authorities in dealing with the education of new arrivals, primarily due to the traditional two-tier system of government extant in Australia. The general theoretical framework of this thesis emanates from concepts and ideas of writers who illustrate, in general, the concentration of power within Australia society and supports this work's notion of a `top-down' paradigm, i.e. one invariably directed by the nation's political leaders. This paradigm is presented in an effort to provide an appreciation of the powerful nature of the Federal Government's immigration policy and citizenship education campaign in the dramatic post-war reconstruction period. The thesis is related to an elite theory of political change but with due consideration to issues of context, that is, Australian society in the 1940s and 1950s. Understanding that there was a citizenship education campaign provides a novel means of appreciating post-war immigration policy. The campaign embedded and tied together multifarious notions extant in the Australian Government policy for the Australian community in meeting the challenges of a nation experiencing massive social and economic change. Significantly, this study helps to explain the shift from the Anglo-Celtic, mono-cultural view of citizenship to one that officially recognises the culturally diverse nature of Australian society today.

Thesis (M.A.)--Eastern Illinois University. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 79-81).

Citizenship study of the past several decades has revealed citizenship as a multi-layered, multiply-scaled, and often exclusionary concept. Despite increasing and multi-disciplinary scholarly interest in the multi-faceted nature of citizenship as a political, social, and identity-oriented construct, it remains true that the majority of citizenship theory has developed in relation to adults, rendering children all but invisible to much citizenship discourse. Traditional citizenship theory has tended to position children as future adults and therefore as future citizens of the nation-state who prepare for citizenship through participation in public schools. Recent scholarship has also advocated children’s rights education as a key priority to help empower children as citizens in the present-day. This project investigates how citizenship in Ontario elementary schools, through curricular learning as well as non-curricular activities. I use multi-method research comprised of discursive analysis of provincial documents, semi-structured interviews with elementary school teachers in three school boards, and interactive activity sessions with elementary school students. These findings consider how provincially-scaled discourses persist through curriculum and policy which situate children as future adults and as responsible, competitive citizens in the present day. Teachers value such responsible citizenship as they negotiate the demands of delivering curriculum and maintaining functional classrooms, but concurrently contribute to local citizenship education through community knowledge and empowering student interaction. Children’s contributions reveal a willingness to associate citizenship with ‘good’ citizenship, law-abiding behaviour, and thus situate the school as a site where citizenship expectations are delineated. While these findings reveal the significant mediating role of local school teachers in delivering citizenship education as a supplement to standardized curriculum, only limited connections between citizenship and rights, and often between citizenship and the nation-state, are present overall. Children do figure as present-day citizens through their ability to perform responsible actions at any age, but this remains at best only tenuously connected to a citizenship of both rights and responsibilities.

Governments, human rights bodies and disability studies scholars all have suggested that disabled people’s citizenship – the legal status and lived practices that enable membership, participation and belonging in one’s community - depends on consistent, adequate and readily available home and personal supports. Yet, little theoretical or empirical work examines disabled young people’s citizenship or their use of support, particularly from their standpoints. Consequently, the ‘work’ disabled young people do to accomplish citizenship remains unrecognized, as are their unique requirements for support to do that work. Normative non-disabled citizenship assumptions remain unproblematized. This study explores what disabled young people do to accomplish citizenship, using home and personal support as the empirical foci. I used a dialogic theoretical and methodological approach, drawing on Mikhail Bakhtin and Dorothy Smith. Both posit that our talk, consciousness and actions respond to and anticipate the voices of others. Through participatory media arts techniques with disabled young people, ethnographic observation and interviews with gatekeepers to formal and informal care, I describe the work that a group of disabled young people did to secure and maintain support and how this in turn shaped their opportunities for specific citizenship practices: self-determination, community participation and social contribution. I argue that disabled young people's work to secure and maintain support requires that they mobilize the authoritative discourse of 'the poster child': a set of objectified values and views encapsulated in utterances about disabled people as futureless, deficient and deferential, originating in images to promote charitable giving. I trace three sequences of activities in which participants assimilated, resisted or brought poster child utterances into ‘dialogue’. The findings raise questions about the extent to which formal entitlements to supports influence how citizenship is lived. Drawing attention to the gaps and tensions in support provision, the findings illuminate the tremendous invisible, tacit work these participants do to strengthen fragile supports. This work, organized by philanthropic rather than rights discourses, leads to a qualified or fragile citizenship. Finally, the study raises questions about the normative and material demands that we may all experience with respect to achieving citizenship, regardless of disability or age.