La presente tesi di dottorato è articolata in tre capitoli a se stanti che riguardano l’ambito dell’economia applicata e dell’economia dello sviluppo. Il primo capitolo analizza l’impatto intergenerazionale di shock idiosincratici alla situazione lavorativa dei genitori sull'istruzione secondaria dei figli, utilizzando un’indagine longitudinale condotta in Bosnia Erzegovina. Il secondo capitolo tratta delle potenziali conseguenze di lungo termine della guerra civile sulla partecipazione politica. In particolare, l’analisi utilizza le statistiche ufficiali disponibili relative alle elezioni in Bosnia Erzegovina e mostra che nelle municipalità più intensamente colpite dal conflitto, misurato in termini di perdite civili, l’affluenza elettorale e il capitale sociale sono minori. Il terzo capitolo contribuisce alla letteratura sulla “auto-selezione” in termini di salute della popolazione Indiana migrante presente in Inghilterra. L'analisi fornisce evidenza empirica delle differenze in termini di statura ed altri indicatori di salute delle prime e seconde generazioni di migranti in relazione alla popolazione nativa del paese di destinazione, e a quella del paese di origine. / This dissertation is a collection of three self-contained essays in applied and development economics. In the first chapter I evaluate whether educational investments of adolescent offspring are vulnerable to idiosyncratic shocks to parental employment. Specifically, I estimate the short-term impact of parental job loss on children’s enrollment in post-compulsory schooling, introducing a focus on paternal and maternal unemployment, and analysing differential gender specific effects. I further discuss the potential channels of inter-generational transmission with a specific focus on the role played by female labor supply in contexts of developing economies. Using panel data estimation techniques based on four waves of longitudinal household data from Bosnia and Herzegovina, the results show that maternal involuntary employment shocks affects school enrollment of daughters aged 15-18. In the second chapter I analyze the consequences of exposure to civil conflict on voters’ turnout and social participation. Our source of variation in violence exposure is given by war-related civilian fatalities recorded at the municipality level. In a “difference in differences” estimation framework, our results show that the intensity of civil conflict reduces turnout in the medium and long run, up to twenty years after the end of the war. War exposure is also associated with lower generalised trust and worse measures of social participation. The third chapter evaluates height performances of first and second generation migrants of Indian origins in England, with respect to adults and children in India, and the native population at destination. We provide evidence of migrants’ “self selection” on health, and we show that the circumstances in which individuals are born and raised can contribute to the definition of body size, in addition to the genetic channel and to the traits transmitted by maternal characteristics through gestation.

O conflito civil em Angola durou três décadas, com êxodo de populações, a pobreza, a exclusão social, a vivências em campos de deslocados sobrevivendo de dádivas das organizações humanitárias nacionais e internacionais. Com dilaceração do conflito muitos dos progenitores dos nossos jovens nasceram e crescer e participaram no conflito, sendo por legado os nossos sujeitos também nasceram durante o conflito que recentemente terminou em 2002, aliados a vários esforços de pacificação. Desvelar as trajetórias, modos de vida e sofrimentos foi o nosso objetivo e, com a contribuição da etnografia e o recurso de observações participante e entrevistas semiestruturadas aos jovens no trabalho informal, pudemos nos inteirar das dinâmicas, redes, dificuldades, aspirações e dignidade social das atividades informais. A migração de populações, em especial crianças, jovens e adultos no período de conflito armado, causou sofrimentos físicos e psicossociais, aliados as humilhações culturais e por solidariedade residem zonas suburbanas, e os biscates são a fonte de sobrevivência e sustento das famílias. No pós-guerra, as dificuldades herdadas no conflito como; exiguidade de infratruturas básicas, aliadas a desestruturação das famílias, os mantém como excluídos e incluídos em redes de solidariedade e encontram no mercado de rua diurno como atividade dignificante socialmente. O trabalho penoso de rua, que se baseia no ganho pelo (esforço individual), para fazer face as exigências recorrem a alimentação energética, consumo de álcool para permeabilizar atividade e ou lubrificar as relações sociais. As jovens recorrem as atividades de venda à pé e porta a porta, e outras na revenda mercadorias nos mercados paralelos. Existe ainda cultura do álcool como; analgésico, tranquilizador, energético e prazeroso, em situações de fadiga, exaustão e penosidade; o consumo é no intuito de amenizar sofrimentos físicos, e psicossociais. Os conflitos armados dilaceram o tecido social e com graves problemas de saúde pública nas populações. Com a estabilidade política os jovens merecem maior atenção pelas instituições públicas na criação de políticas abrangentes aos jovens em situação de precariedade, como forma de reduzir a exclusão, pobreza, analfabetismo, doenças e mortes nesta franje da população / The civil conflict in Angola lasted three decades and devastated the biopsychosocial tissue. In spite of some initiative of peace agreement, peace became a reality only in 2002, which left a part of the population under exclusion and facing psychosocial trauma. The objective of this work was to identify the trajectory, ways of life and suffering of the target population. By applying to the contribution of ethnography and participant observations as well as semi-structured interviews addressed to young people in informal market, we could learn the dynamics, networks, challenges, aspirations and social dignity of the activities. The migration of population, mainly children, youth and adults, during the period of armed conflict led these people to internally displaced people camps and to peri-urban areas. In the post war period, these young people turned the streets as their working place by selling assorted staff to maintain their families. During the working hours, these young people consume alcoholic beverage to ease or lubricate the social relations. There is the culture of alcohol as analgesic, tranquilizer and energizer. In moments of fatigue, exhaustion and suffering; the consumption of alcohol is to soften the torment. The work in the street during day time allows the survival of the families, the inclusion in the society through networks and groups of solidarity; allowing the existence of the I and family

O conflito civil em Angola durou três décadas, com êxodo de populações, a pobreza, a exclusão social, a vivências em campos de deslocados sobrevivendo de dádivas das organizações humanitárias nacionais e internacionais. Com dilaceração do conflito muitos dos progenitores dos nossos jovens nasceram e crescer e participaram no conflito, sendo por legado os nossos sujeitos também nasceram durante o conflito que recentemente terminou em 2002, aliados a vários esforços de pacificação. Desvelar as trajetórias, modos de vida e sofrimentos foi o nosso objetivo e, com a contribuição da etnografia e o recurso de observações participante e entrevistas semiestruturadas aos jovens no trabalho informal, pudemos nos inteirar das dinâmicas, redes, dificuldades, aspirações e dignidade social das atividades informais. A migração de populações, em especial crianças, jovens e adultos no período de conflito armado, causou sofrimentos físicos e psicossociais, aliados as humilhações culturais e por solidariedade residem zonas suburbanas, e os biscates são a fonte de sobrevivência e sustento das famílias. No pós-guerra, as dificuldades herdadas no conflito como; exiguidade de infratruturas básicas, aliadas a desestruturação das famílias, os mantém como excluídos e incluídos em redes de solidariedade e encontram no mercado de rua diurno como atividade dignificante socialmente. O trabalho penoso de rua, que se baseia no ganho pelo (esforço individual), para fazer face as exigências recorrem a alimentação energética, consumo de álcool para permeabilizar atividade e ou lubrificar as relações sociais. As jovens recorrem as atividades de venda à pé e porta a porta, e outras na revenda mercadorias nos mercados paralelos. Existe ainda cultura do álcool como; analgésico, tranquilizador, energético e prazeroso, em situações de fadiga, exaustão e penosidade; o consumo é no intuito de amenizar sofrimentos físicos, e psicossociais. Os conflitos armados dilaceram o tecido social e com graves problemas de saúde pública nas populações. Com a estabilidade política os jovens merecem maior atenção pelas instituições públicas na criação de políticas abrangentes aos jovens em situação de precariedade, como forma de reduzir a exclusão, pobreza, analfabetismo, doenças e mortes nesta franje da população / The civil conflict in Angola lasted three decades and devastated the biopsychosocial tissue. In spite of some initiative of peace agreement, peace became a reality only in 2002, which left a part of the population under exclusion and facing psychosocial trauma. The objective of this work was to identify the trajectory, ways of life and suffering of the target population. By applying to the contribution of ethnography and participant observations as well as semi-structured interviews addressed to young people in informal market, we could learn the dynamics, networks, challenges, aspirations and social dignity of the activities. The migration of population, mainly children, youth and adults, during the period of armed conflict led these people to internally displaced people camps and to peri-urban areas. In the post war period, these young people turned the streets as their working place by selling assorted staff to maintain their families. During the working hours, these young people consume alcoholic beverage to ease or lubricate the social relations. There is the culture of alcohol as analgesic, tranquilizer and energizer. In moments of fatigue, exhaustion and suffering; the consumption of alcohol is to soften the torment. The work in the street during day time allows the survival of the families, the inclusion in the society through networks and groups of solidarity; allowing the existence of the I and family

The ongoing conflict between Thailand’s red shirt and yellow shirt parties is not purely political. This tension is rooted in a renewed awareness of regional economic and social inequality, a byproduct of rapid economic growth in the past. This thesis seeks to understand the overall consequences of unequal economic development in Thailand, as the rationale for asserting that a conditional cash transfer (CCT) program is an appropriate policy tool for the ongoing reconciliation efforts.

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Existing literature establishes a connection between elevating the status of women in less developed countries and positive political outcomes including: increased national stability, decreased likelihood of civil conflict, and international stability. In particular, the literature suggests that working within the dominant cultural framework of a country makes development projects more successful. This thesis expands upon these bodies of literature and examines the outcomes of the work of two major development agencies in Afghanistan, the UN and USAID in the area of women's education and healthcare. The thesis analyzes some specific characteristics that influence the effects of these programs in the Afghan context. It argues that when development agencies work within the unique cultural context of Afghanistan, and promote development gains for women within an Islamic framework, they are more likely to be effective than if they do not work within this framework. The thesis tests this hypothesis with a comparative qualitative analysis of the goals and accomplishes of the UN and USAID and compares the results of the analysis with survey data from The Asia Foundation Survey of the Afghan people, which provides data from 2006-2013 regarding attitudes of the Afghan people. Based on a qualitative analysis, the study's results, although tentative, identifies patterns of success using the Islamic framework.

Thesis (MA (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The aim of this thesis has been to analyse which similarities exist in combatants’ control over food supply lines to non-combatants in African civil conflict and evaluate whether these similarities are sufficient to permit generalisations about the use of food as a weapon in African civil conflict. The nature of this study is both descriptive and explanatory. The case studies of Darfur and Somalia form the descriptive part of this study. This thesis is also explanatory in that it aims to make a first attempt at theory building where such theory did not exist before. I try to explain if, how and why combatants intentionally use food as a means of power in civil conflict. Is the control over food a deliberate and rational choice by combatants or are situations of food scarcity and even hunger or famines simply a consequence of war? The case studies of Darfur and Somalia provide many similarities concerning the impact of conflict on livelihoods and food security. Famine is more an issue of limited access rather than availability. The use of food as a weapon displays a number of important similarities. Attacks on food security can be divided into acts of omission, commission and provision. In Darfur, combatants exercise a greater level of control over food supply lines than in Somalia. Finally, I argue that famine in African civil conflict is highly functional and has a distinct political-economic character. The creation of famine is often deliberate, with a hidden political agenda. In both Darfur and Somalia, attacks on food security serve a political, economic and military rationale. The political logic of attacks on food security was most important in Darfur, although here the signs of a sustainable war economy become apparent. In contrast, in Somalia, food production and procurement are attacked without the intent to destroy the livelihoods of specific societal groups, with the exception of the politically and economically marginalised groups in the south-central part of the country. The political logic is very superficial in Somalia. The level of deliberateness and organisation of attacks on food security, and hence the importance of the political logic, seem to tie in with the level of organisation of the central government, as well as with the presence or absence of a powerful ideology that clearly divides certain sections of the population from others. I recommend that further research be undertaken to analyse if theory on resources and conflict applies to attacks on food. Furthermore, additional research is needed on how to mitigate the negative effects of Food Aid. Finally, it is valuable to investigate to what extent effective government control and/or the presence of a binding ideology affect the importance of the political logic behind the attacks on food security. To this point, this research should be extended to include more case studies, with a specific focus on the factors of governmental control, ideology and political logic. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die doel van hierdie tesis was om die ooreenkomste oor die beheer wat gewapendes oor die voedselvoorsieningslyne vir ongewapendes in Afrika se siviele konflikte te ondersoek, en om te evalueer of hierdie ooreenkomste genoegsaam is om veralgemenings te maak oor die gebruik van voedsel as ‘n wapen in hierdie konflik. Die omvang van hierdie studie is beide beskrywend en verduidelikend. Die gevallestudies van Darfur en Somalia vorm die beskrywende deel van hierdie studie. Hierdie thesis is ook verduidelikend in die sin dat dit poog om ‘n eerste probeerslag te skep vir die bou van teorie waar dit voorheen nog nie bestaan het nie. Hierdie studie poog om te verduidelik as, hoe en wanneer gewapendes voedselvoorrade intentioneel gebruik as ‘n bron van mag in siviele konflikte. Is die beheer oor voedsel deurdagte en rationele keuse deur gewapendes, of is situasies van voedseltekorte of selfs hongersnood eenvoudig ‘n gevolg van oorlogvoering? Die gevallestudies van Darfur en Somalia bied vele ooreenkomste rakende die impak van konflik op oorlewingsmeganismes en voedselsekuriteit. Hongersnood is meer ‘n geval van beperkte toegang, eerder as beskikbaarheid. Gebruik van voedsel as wapen het ‘n aantal belangrike ooreenkomste opgelewer. Aanvalle op voedselsekuriteit kan opgedeel word in dade van weerhoud, kommissie en provisie. In Darfur het gewapendes ‘n groter vlak van beheer oor die lyne van voedselverskaffing as in Somalia. Uiteindelik is dit die argument van hierdie tesis dat hongersnood in siviele konflik in Afrika grootliks funksioneel is en duidelike polities/ekonomies van aard is. Hierdie oorsaak van hongersnood is telkemale opsetlik met ‘n gepaardgaande verskuilde politiese agenda. In beide Darfur en Somalia het aanvalle op voedselsekuriteit ‘n politiese, ekonomiese en militêre rationale. Die politieke aard van aanvalle op voedselsekuriteit was besonder opmerksaam in Darfur, alhoewel tekens van ‘n onderhoudbare oorlogsekonomie duidelik begin word het. In teenstelling is voedselproduksie en versekering in Somalia onder aanval sonder die bedoeling om die lewenswyse van sekere sosiale groepe te vernietig of van stryk te bring, met die uitsondering van die politiese en ekonomies gemarginaliseerde groepe in die suid-centrale deel van die land. Die politieke logika is baie oppervlakkig in die geval van Somalia. Die vlak van beplanning rakende aanvalle op voedselsekuriteit, en gepaardgaande die belang van die politieke redenasies, blyk samehorig te wees met die vlak van organisasie van die sentrale regering, asook die teenwoordigheid of afwesigheid van ‘n sterk ideologie wat sekere dele van die populasie duidelik onderskei van andere. Ek beveel aan dat verdere navorsing onderneem word om te analiseer of gepaste teorie op hulpmiddele en konflik relevant geag kan word in verband met voedselaanvalle. Verder word addisionele navorsing benodig ingevolge die beperking en kontrolering van die newe effekte van Food Aid. Uiteindelik is dit van pas en belangrik om die omvang van effektiewe regeringsbeheer en/of die teenwoordigheid van ‘n oorkoepelende en bindende ideologie aangaande die effek daarvan op die politieke beredenerings agter die aanvalle op voedselsekuriteit te bestudeer. In hierdie opsig behoort hierdie navorsing uitgebrei te word om meer gevallestudies in te sluit met ‘n spesifieke fokus op die individuele faktore van regeringsbeheer, ideologie en politieke redenasie.

This dissertation focuses on the sub-national impact of foreign aid on civil conflicts by asking the question: How does foreign aid committed to contested areas affect the intensity of violence in those areas? The main theoretical contribution is to focus on how aid influences warring parties’ decisions to engage in contests over territorial control and how that in turn influences violence intensity. The study introduces two concepts: funding concentration and barriers to exploiting aid. A contested area has greater concentration of funding if warring parties expect a high value of aid to be distributed to only a few locations. Funding is instead diffused if the parties expect aid to be spread over many locations. A low barrier to exploiting aid is present if it is of a type that both state and non-state actors could potentially misuse. There is a high barrier if territorial control is required in order to exploit funding channels. The theory introduces three testable implications: First, greater funding concentration encourages conventional contests over territorial control, which increases military fatalities. The second proposal is that if there is a low barrier to exploiting aid (e.g. humanitarian and food aid) then there will be increased competition between warring parties and civilians, and hence more civilian fatalities. Third, high barrier funding (e.g. education aid) will motivate contests over territorial control and increase military fatalities. This dissertation uses geo-coded aid commitments data and introduces data of warring parties’ battleground control in sub-Saharan Africa, 1989–2008. The research design relies on propensity score matching where pairs of observations are matched based on a range of covariates. The results concerning barriers to exploitation are partially supported. High barrier aid increases military fatalities whereas low barrier aid has little impact on violence. Greater funding concentration increases military fatalities substantially compared to if there is low or no funding concentration. In line with theory, greater funding concentration does not increase civilian fatalities.

The question of how armed group ideology influences its behaviour has been tentatively explored in the past decade. However, which role distinct ideological commitments play in civilian targeting has not been satisfactorily discussed thus far. This thesis turns to research on genocide and mass violence and incorporates the concepts of ‘exclusionary ideologies’ and ‘threat perceptions’ to fill this research gap. It addresses the following question: to what extent do exclusionary ideologies of armed groups influence their use of violence against civilians during civil conflicts? When revolutionary armed groups pursue their goals, threat perceptions determine which groups are considered legitimate targets for attack. Therefore, it is hypothesized that exclusionary groups will employ more violence against civilians than inclusionary groups because the former have a more expanded understanding of legitimate targeting than the latter. Through a structured focused comparison, discourse analysis and process tracing applied to the cases of Boko Haram and Al-Shabaab, moderate support for this hypothesis is found. It is shown that both armed groups to varying extents invoke threat perceptions regarding certain out-groups to legitimize and rationalise their patterns of violence. Nonetheless, a descent into indiscriminate violence by Boko Haram and data shortage of Al-Shabaab attacks warrant caution.

Made available in DSpace on 2017-07-10T18:26:22Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Lairton Moacir Winter.pdf: 485027 bytes, checksum: b1932fcc88462b9ba0961d9f4ced6f8e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-03-18 / The purpose of this work consists of analyzing the place that the big s and people s conflict occupies in Machiavelli s political thought and to investigate its relationship with the political freedom. More specifically, is the understanding of the concept of republican freedom giving special attention to his theory of the humors. The central hypothesis is that the freedom can only be reached by a balance point among the forces in conflict. For that, it is necessary that the conflict, not being annulled, be rationally regulated and normalized by the republican institutions, changing from negative force into force capable to converge in the State the commonwealth, the social order and the freedom of the whole political body. The republican law, born of the permanent confrontation of the antagonistic desires, subverts the negative character of the humors of big and people and it channels the force for the political life, demanding active citizenship of their members, it means, the participation of both humors in the public space as political agents for the maintenance of the freedom. To make it clear, we analyzed, firstly, the position of the tradition and the perspectives of the republicanism towards the problem of the political conflict in order to verify the republican elements present in Machiavelli s political thought. In a second moment, we tried to demonstrate the characteristics of the conflict of the humors, in agreement with those which the desire of the big gets confused with a desire of power, while the desire of the people is associated to freedom. In this perspective, we sought to elucidate the meaning of the good and the bad conflicts for the political life. Afterwards, we tried to highlight the need and the importance of the continuous foundation and re-foundation of the freedom front to the corruption of the republic, resulting from the homogenization of the manners of wanting of the humors in conflict. And, finally, we presented the dynamics of the conflict of the humors of big and people in the civil principality. In this regime, Machiavelli presents the conflict much more in the context of the political alliances than properly in relation to the freedom. From this point of view, we sought to demonstrate that in the civil principality the conflict is thought by Machiavelli not from the optics of the freedom, what is possible only in the republic, but from its role in the conservation and in the maintenance of the prince s power. For this reason, we tried to defend the theory of the republicanism of Machiavelli, according to the true political freedom is only possible when the antagonistic humors can relieve their desires through the participation in the public space of debates and collective decisions, what can only happen in a republican regime. / O objetivo deste trabalho consiste em analisar o lugar que o conflito de grandes e povo ocupa no pensamento político de Maquiavel e investigar a sua relação com a liberdade política. Mais especificamente, trata-se de compreender o conceito de liberdade republicana concedendo especial atenção à sua teoria dos humores. A hipótese central é a de que a liberdade somente pode ser alcançada mediante um ponto de equilíbrio entre as forças em conflito. Para isso, é necessário que o conflito, não sendo anulado, seja racionalmente regulado e normalizado pelas instituições republicanas, convertendo-se de força negativa em força capaz de fazer convergir no Estado o bem comum, a ordem social e a liberdade de todo o corpo político. A lei republicana, nascida do permanente confronto dos desejos antagônicos, subverte o caráter negativo dos humores de grandes e povo e canaliza sua força para a vida política, exigindo cidadania ativa de seus membros, isto é, a participação de ambos os humores no espaço público como agentes políticos para a manutenção da liberdade. Para esclarecê-lo, analisamos, primeiramente, a posição da tradição e as perspectivas do republicanismo frente ao problema do conflito político a fim de verificar os elementos republicanos presentes no pensamento político de Maquiavel. Num segundo momento, procuramos demonstrar as características do conflito dos humores, de acordo com as quais o desejo dos grandes se confunde com um desejo de poder, enquanto o desejo do povo se associa à liberdade. Nesta perspectiva, buscamos elucidar o significado dos bons e dos maus conflitos para a vida política. Em seguida, procuramos destacar a necessidade e a importância da contínua fundação e re-fundação da liberdade frente à corrupção da república, resultante da homogeneização dos modos de desejar dos humores em conflito. E, por fim, apresentamos a dinâmica do conflito dos humores de grandes e povo no principado civil. Neste regime, Maquiavel apresenta o conflito muito mais no contexto das alianças políticas do que propriamente em relação à liberdade. Deste ponto de vista, buscamos demonstrar que no principado civil o conflito é pensado por Maquiavel não a partir da ótica da liberdade, o que é possível apenas na república, mas do seu papel na conservação e na manutenção do poder do príncipe. Por esta razão, procuramos defender a tese do republicanismo de Maquiavel, segundo a qual a verdadeira liberdade política somente é possível quando os humores antagônicos podem desafogar seus desejos mediante sua participação no espaço público dos debates e das decisões coletivas, o que pode ocorrer apenas num regime republicano.