No description available.

This dissertation explores the racial and religious history of black Catholics in the United States through a focus on the critical intersection of the Civil Rights Movement and the Second Vatican Council as it was experienced at Our Lady of Lourdes Catholic Church, uniquely situated in the heart of Atlanta, a city that was a cradle for the Civil Rights Movement and the home of influential churches like Ebenezer Baptist. Tracing the early history of the parish, I outline the role of the Sisters of the Blessed Sacrament (SBS) in establishing the Our Lady of Lourdes School and Parish. The SBS were a missionary women’s religious order that was founded by St. Katherine Drexel in 1891 with the charism to evangelize “the Indian and the colored” through the Catholic education. The willingness of Atlanta’s black Protestants to support the work of the SBS attached to Our Lady of Lourdes, despite their general misgivings towards what they perceived to be a “white church,” is a testament to the order’s unusually progressive commitment to interracial action. During its existence from 1912 to 2001, the Our Lady of Lourdes School was regarded as a cost-effective alternative to segregated public schools for blacks regardless of religious affiliation. Like many Catholic schools in minority areas Our Lady of Lourdes faced many challenges during its existence, including persistent financial problems, the withdrawal of the SBS in 1974, and the proliferation of new educational opportunities for blacks after desegregation. The ability of the Our Lady of Lourdes community to keep the school operational until 2001 illustrates the importance of inner city Catholic schools to minority populations. The convergence of the Civil Rights Movement and Vatican II in the 1960s affected how the parishioners of Our Lady of Lourdes defined themselves as blacks and Catholics within a segregated society. School desegregation and white flight fundamentally changed the place of the parish in the urban Catholic landscape. Nevertheless, these religious and racial reevaluations enabled the Our Lady of Lourdes community to revitalize itself through liturgical inculturation and the embrace of its heritage as an Auburn Avenue religious institution. / 2027-07-31T00:00:00Z

<p dir="ltr">This dissertation argues that the use of rainbow imagery to describe efforts to bridge racial divides both inside and outside social justice campaigns became tied to concepts of economic justice in the 1960s but lost its radicalism following the failed presidential bids of Jesse Jackson in the 1980s. Conventional narratives analyze these multiracial campaigns —organized by figures as diverse as W.E.B. Du Bois in 1911, Martin Luther King, Jr. and the Black Panther Party in the civil rights era of the 1960s, and Jesse Jackson in the 1980s —as separate, isolated efforts. My research, however, examines the origins and trajectory of what I term “racial rainbow rhetoric,” —the use of rainbow imagery to describe racial difference in the United States, usually with the aspiration of overcoming these racial divisions – to underscore meaningful conceptual continuities in twentieth-century campaigns for social and economic justice.<i> </i>Although racial rainbow rhetoric did not initially emphasize economic justice activism, throughout the 1960s, activists increasingly used rainbow imagery to build interracial coalitions to attack poverty. This dissertation traces the history of racial rainbow rhetoric from its obscure origins in the early twentieth century to its intersection with the anti-poverty activism of the Poor People’s Campaign and the Black Panther Party to its appropriation by liberal politicians, such as Jesse Jackson in the 1980s. This history of rainbow symbolism in the struggle for racial justice demonstrates the longstanding and continuing damage that state violence and the cooptation of such concepts by indifferent, liberal politicians had on the implementation of genuine economic and social justice.</p>

Building codes are socio-technical regulations that govern the manner in which the built world is designed, constructed, and maintained. Instituted in order to protect the health, safety, and welfare of humans in the built world, codes also serve as an index of always changing societal values. If codes do not co-evolve with social values, however, they often perpetuate standards that no longer reflect the priorities of mainstream society. As crises arise and as cultural practices change, regulatory institutions are charged with creating new or amend old codes to reflect these societal shifts. Emergent social values are often dismissed by the general public, misrepresented by their political representatives, or abstracted by the louder voices of the market and the state. In a few critical moments in modern history, however, society successfully adopted and institutionalized previously underrepresented values into urban form. Social movements provide a primary venue for such paradigmatic change. They do this through the production of new knowledge that aims to alter the cognitive praxis of its citizenry and to generate the momentum required to codify grassroots ideals into the built world. Exploring how this confluence of socio-technical innovation functions within the built world, this dissertation addresses the primary research question: What is the relationship between urban social movements, the values they espouse, the building codes they construct, and the liberative function of the spaces produced? In this dissertation, I investigate three established and one emerging social movement to discern the characteristics of democratic code formation that lead to civic urban form. These four case studies are analyzed in terms of their origins, the claims made, strategies employed, and outcomes achieved. Patterns are then extrapolated from this analysis to identify qualities of collective action that contribute to the codification of civic urban form. The research discussed herein was conducted in two phases to develop a historical base from which to evaluate contemporary efforts to codify civic urban form. The first phase of this exploratory investigation tells the story of three intrinsically valuable, but also comparable case studies of social change in the United States: the community development strategy pursued by the civil rights movement, the architectural accessibility platform advocated by the disability rights movement, and efforts to institutionalize new building practices through voluntary building assessment systems by the environmental movement. The second phase extrapolates patterns from the established cases to inform the investigation of proto-movements currently coalescing around issues of spatial justice. Both phases are then reflected upon in order to propose a theory of civic urban form that recognizes the dialectic between social movements, emergent social values, building codes, and the physical spaces they inform. The thesis statement underlying this dissertation is that urban social movements in the U.S. require a myriad of different activist organizations— radical and mainstream, professional and grassroots— to simultaneously employ diverse strategies through an integrated frame of collective action in order to institutionalize new types of civic urban form. Based on the theoretical framework developed to conceptualize the production of civic urban form, I go on to argue in the concluding chapters that urban social movements currently seeking various means to codify the tenets of sustainable development in the United States might benefit from couching their collective actions within an integrated action frame of spatial justice. / text

This paper seeks to insert the voices of students into the historical discussion of public school integration in New Orleans. While history tends to ignore the memories of children that experienced integration firsthand, this paper argues that those memories can alter our understanding of that history. In 1963, Benjamin Franklin High School was the first public high school in New Orleans to integrate. Black students knowingly made sacrifices to transfer to Ben Franklin, as they were socially and politically conscious teenagers. Black students formed alliances with some white teachers and students to help combat the racist environment that still dominated their school and city. Ben Franklin students were maturing adolescents worked to establish their identities in this newly integrated, intellectually advanced space. This paper explores the way in which students – of differing racial, socio-economic, religious, educational, and political upbringings – all struggled to navigate self and space in this discordant society.

This study explores radical pacifists’ intellectual engagement with the black freedom movement by examining the New York-based magazine Liberation between 1956 and 1965. It argues that two priorities shaped Liberation’s responses to the movement: the concern to promote the philosophy and practice of nonviolent direct action, and the concern to advocate radical social change in the United States. Until 1965 Liberation promoted the civil rights movement as a potential catalyst for the nonviolent reconstruction of U.S. democracy. Liberation became a forum for exploring the common ground as well as the tensions between radical pacifist priorities and those of various black freedom activists. The tensions are particularly apparent in Liberation’s reflections on the challenges of linking peace activism with the freedom struggle in the early 1960s, and in its 1964-65 debate over civil rights leaders’ strategy of coalition with the Democratic Party in the context of the escalating war in Vietnam.

This study explores radical pacifists’ intellectual engagement with the black freedom movement by examining the New York-based magazine Liberation between 1956 and 1965. It argues that two priorities shaped Liberation’s responses to the movement: the concern to promote the philosophy and practice of nonviolent direct action, and the concern to advocate radical social change in the United States. Until 1965 Liberation promoted the civil rights movement as a potential catalyst for the nonviolent reconstruction of U.S. democracy. Liberation became a forum for exploring the common ground as well as the tensions between radical pacifist priorities and those of various black freedom activists. The tensions are particularly apparent in Liberation’s reflections on the challenges of linking peace activism with the freedom struggle in the early 1960s, and in its 1964-65 debate over civil rights leaders’ strategy of coalition with the Democratic Party in the context of the escalating war in Vietnam.

Cette étude examine le canon littéraire d'Alice Walker et explore les différentes dimensions de sa philosophie du « womanism » par rapport à la double oppression des femmes noires américaines. Elle explore les liens qui peuvent émerger entre la politique et l'esthétique ainsi que l'impact des éléments autobiographiques sur l'œuvre de fiction. La première partie traite de la représentation fictive du mouvement des Droits Civiques dans Meridian (1976) et explore l'activisme politique de Walker pendant les années 1960. La deuxième partie se concentre sur l'analyse théorique du « womanism » et propose une étude de The Color Purple (1982) qui explore la violence conjugale dans la communauté noire et dépeint le poids de la solidarité féminine. Enfin, la troisième partie se penche sur le sujet controversé de la mutilation génitale des femmes (excision) et sa représentation dans Possessing the Secret of Joy (1992) et Warrior Marks (1993). En somme, les écrits de fiction de Walker affichent une interprétation significative des réalités politiques de l'oppression institutionnalisée entre les sexes, aux Etats-Unis et dans le monde. / The purpose of this study is to examine Alice Walker's literary canon and to investigate the different dimensions of her womanist philosophy regarding the racial and gender oppression of African American women. This research explores the links that may emerge between politics and aesthetics as well as the impact of autobiographical elements on the work of fiction. It displays the weight of Walker's womanist contribution in black literature and her ability to offer new definitions of blackness and womanhood. The first part deals with the fictional representation of the Civil Rights Movement in Meridian (1976) and explores Walker's own political activism in the 1960s. The second part centers on a theoretical analysis of womanism and offers a study of The Color Purple (1982) which explores domestic violence in the black community. Finally, the third part delves into the controversial subject of Female Genital Mutilation and its representation in Possessing the Secret of Joy (1992). In sum, Walker's fictional writings display a significant interpretation of the political realities of institutionalized gender oppression in the USA and around the world.

Chapter one gives a proposed outline for the research that will develop the theological-ethical dimension of neighbor as discerned from Leviticus 19. This chapter will give the reader an understanding of the purpose, motivation, and a hypothesis for the proposed research. An outline of the impending study will also be highlighted. In chapter two a brief discussion of two events and the evangelical denomination that have shaped my worldview will be highlighted. This chapter will also explore the diverse world of ideological criticism. A look at the wide ranging areas of specialties within ideological criticism will be the focus of this chapter. The way in which ideological criticism will be utilized as an interpretive methodology will be argued alongside Mary Douglas’ ring composition as a function of socio-rhetorical criticism. A grammatical analysis of Leviticus 19 will comprise chapter three. The Masoretic text of the Hebrew Bible will be the primary source for this analysis. The exegesis of Leviticus will be the foundation for the study of the proposed topic. The purpose for the historical setting of the writing of Leviticus 19 will be given as well as archaeological evidence describing the societal make-up of the time period. An alternative interpretative emphasis will be argued in chapter four. Ring composition, as outlined by Mary Douglas, will be the tool utilized for this interpretation for Leviticus 19. This chapter will also explore the ways in which three New Testament characters utilized and contextualized passages from Leviticus 19. Chapter five will spotlight the recent events of May 2008. This month demonstrated the explosive consequences of unleashed and uncontrolled xenophobic violence. This month saw some of the most terrifying events since the inception of democracy in South Africa. Commentary and deliberation on the causes that sparked this violence will be examined through the eyes of journalists, politicians, citizens, foreigners and religious leaders. The reluctance of evangelicals to engage in social transformation will be critically analyzed in chapter six. Two movements that polarized the evangelical community will also be addressed. The thrust of this chapter will be the proposed theology of transformation. If this strategy of transformation might be utilized by the evangelical church, sustainable social justice could be possible. This strategy will be presented in a practical, applicable manner. The interrelationship between spiritual and social transformation will conclude this chapter. All of these will be encapsulated within the idea of ubuntu or African hospitality. Chapter seven will bring to a conclusion the research. There is a short synopsis of past and present religious creeds and statements of faith. The Hitler Effect will be examined in the light of how people focus on the minute differences instead of celebrating their overwhelming similarities. The events of November 2008 in America will be viewed through the refining lenses of society and its effect within greater society. This chapter will conclude with a summary of the study, reflections and future considerations. / Thesis (PhD)--University of Pretoria, 2010. / Practical Theology / unrestricted

京都大学 / 0048 / 新制・課程博士 / 博士(人間・環境学) / 甲第20469号 / 人博第819号 / 新制||人||196(附属図書館) / 28||人博||819(吉田南総合図書館) / 京都大学大学院人間・環境学研究科共生文明学専攻 / (主査)教授 前川 玲子, 准教授 齋藤 嘉臣, 准教授 見平 典 / 学位規則第4条第1項該当 / Doctor of Human and Environmental Studies / Kyoto University / DGAM