O estudo analisa a influência dos boatos na vitória de César sobre Pompeu, ocorrida nas guerras civis de 49 e 48 a.C. Apesar do breve período de disputas, tem como recorte temporal os anos de 54 a 48 a.C., pois foi aí que apareceram os primeiros boatos das lutas entre os generais. Para tanto, toma como fontes obras de gêneros literários variados, situadas entre os séculos I a.C. e IV d.C. Dentro de tal corpus, destacam-se os Comentários sobre as Guerras Civis, redigidos por César, as Cartas a Ático e as Cartas aos Amigos, escritas por Cícero, e a Farsália, composta por Lucano. O referencial teórico abrange os conceitos de boato, janelas de oportunidades, ação coletiva e memória social. O objetivo geral é compreender a relação entre uma stasis, a propagação de boatos e a mobilização dos grupos. Seguem-no os objetivos específicos, por meio dos quais o estudo analisa de que modo as ações coletivas oportunizavam vantagens ou desvantagens militares, e também precisa como a formação de alianças tornou César o favorito ao sucesso. Considera que os boatos foram decisivos para o triunfo cesariano, pois contribuíram para a conquista de apoio, a rendição de cidades e a aquisição de recursos. / This work analyses the influence of rumours concerning the victory of Caesar over Pompey during the civil wars in 49 and 48 BC. Despite the brief period of disputes, this study considers a time frame that encompasses the years from 54 to 48 BC, for it was during this period that appeared the first rumours about the dispute between these generals. For this end, the study takes as sources works of varied literary genres from the 1st Century BC to the 4th Century AD. Within such a corpus, we highlight the Commentaries on the Civil War, written by Caesar, the Letters to Atticus and the Letters to Friends, authored by Cicero, and the Pharsalia, written by Lucan. The theoretical references embrace the concepts of rumour, windows of opportunity, collective action and social memory. The general purpose of this research is to understand the relation between a stasis, rumour spread and the mobilization of groups. The specific objectives concern the understanding of how the collective actions propitiated military advantages and disadvantages; also they specify how the formation of alliances made Caesar the favourite to succeed. It is considered that the rumours were decisive for the triumph of Caesar, due to their contribution regarding the obtainment of support, the surrender of cities and the acquisition of resources.

A guerra civil é a forma de violência coletiva mais importante de nossa época. Embora pesquisas recentes tenham apontado alguns elementos como determinantes das guerras civis, a influência dos fatores políticos nos conflitos internos ainda é controversa. O presente estudo analisa, por meio de regressão estatística, a relação entre a competitividade do poder executivo e a incidência de guerras civis de 1976 a 2000. Os achados indicam que tanto eleições com candidatos únicos como votações multipartidárias reduzem a incidência de guerras civis. Ademais, os resultados dão apoio às hipóteses levantadas pela literatura recente de que terreno montanhoso, grande população, sistema políticos centralizados e a existência de conflitos anteriores aumentam significativamente o risco de incidência de guerras civis / Civil War is the most important form of collective violence of our time. Although recent research has yielded some determining elements to civil war, the influence of political factors on internal conflicts remains disputed. This study analyzes, by means of statistics regression, the correlation between the competitiveness in the Executive Branch and the incidence of civil war from 1976 to 2000. The findings indicate that both single-candidate and multi-party elections reduce the incidence of civil war. Furthermore, the results lend support to the hypotheses put forward by recent literature that mountainous terrain, large population, centralized political system, and the existence of former conflicts significantly heighten the risk of incidence of civil war

It has become widely accepted that if a state sends troops into another state following a government request, it will not breach the prohibition on the use of force set out in Article 2(4) of the UN Charter. This is known as "intervention by invitation." However, it is clearly open to abuse, especially when invoked as a legal justification for intervening in a civil war, allowing allies of ineffective governments to help suppress genuine popular revolts. Thus, many 20th century writers argued that intervention by invitation in civil wars was not lawful, on the basis that it would necessarily breach the principles of self-determination and non-intervention. Several 21st century writers have maintained this position. This thesis will challenge those claims. Its focus will be on the legal limits on intervening in a civil war: the key question being what circumstances, if any, preclude a state from responding to a government invitation to intervene in a civil war. Part I will set out the key doctrinal issues and the scope of the research question, including the definition of a civil war. In contrast to previous studies of intervention by invitation, it will critique the alleged prohibition on intervention in civil wars by analysing its two constituent elements, self-determination and non-intervention, from a historical and theoretical perspective, concluding that neither principle is sufficiently clear in definition or application to support a general prohibition on intervention by invitation. Part II will analyse recent state practice on intervention by invitation, in order to determine whether it is an evolving norm in light of new developments such as the global war on terror and the apparent decline of the effective control doctrine. It will also consider potential limits to intervention by invitation in civil wars in the absence of a general prohibition, such as loss of government status, coercion and the ways in which an invitation can be communicated, and the extent to which these limitations have been challenged or confirmed by recent state practice.

This thesis consists of three empirical chapters that examine issues in development economics. Chapter 1 focuses on the effects of civil wars on the welfare of individuals. I use a unique data set that contains information on war casualties of the 1992-1995 Bosnian War, and exploit the variation in war intensity and birth cohorts of children, to identify the effects of the war on schooling attainment. I find that cohorts affected by war are less likely to complete secondary schooling, if they resided in municipalities that endured higher levels of war intensity. Ancillary evidence suggests that my estimates are most likely picking up immediate, rather than long-term effects. Furthermore, direct mechanisms such as the destruction of infrastructure and the out-migration of teachers do not seem to matter; instead, the ancillary evidence suggests that youth soldiering may be more important. Chapter 2 studies the impact of the partition which ended the Bosnian War on the post-war provision of public goods at the municipality-level. Comparing trends in the provision of public schooling across partitioned and unpartitioned municipalities during the 1986-2006 period, I find that partitioned municipalities provide 58 percent more primary schools and 37 percent more teachers (per capita). I also find evidence which suggests that convergent preferences - operating via ethnic politics - for ethnically oriented schools may be an important driver of the results, although I cannot rule out the possibility of mechanical explanations. In addition, as the increase in public goods provision may be ethnically oriented, only the ethnic majority profits from this arrangement. Chapter 3 provides an estimation of network effects among rural-urban migrants from Nang Rong, Thailand, by using heterogeneous migration responses to regional rainfall shocks among villagers as exogenous variation affecting network size. I find that social networks significantly reduce the duration of job search, and surprisingly, draw new migrants into the agricultural sector. I argue that this is not because agricultural jobs are more attractive than non-agricultural ones, but rather that my estimates are essentially local average treatment effects that are estimated off agricultural workers who are most affected by rainfall shocks.

The burgh of Canongate, situated next to Edinburgh, was deeply affected by the British Civil Wars (1638-49). The Canongate kirk session records, the parish-based bureaucratic and disciplinary records of the Reformed (Presbyterian) Kirk, provide a detailed portrait of daily life in Canongate during that tumultuous period. The records are particularly revealing of early modern gender history as they show how both men and women interacted with the local kirk, and reveal key social trends in the burgh, especially relating to sex and marriage. Illicit sex and its issue adultery, fornication and illegitimacy were a common and serious concern for the Reformed Kirk, and their persecution was more of a national preoccupation than in England or other parts of Europe. This concern is reflected in the large number of fornication and adultery cases that came before the Canongate kirk session between 1640 and 1650. The marital partnership, as the economic and social cornerstone of early modern society, was also an important issue in Canongate, and the kirk session records provide a glimpse at the nature and significance of marriage in the parish. Scotlands kirk session records offer one of few windows into the daily lives of early modern women, and they allow us to see some of the many ways in which women were active agents in the kirks system of godly discipline. Through the Canongate kirk session records, therefore, it is possible to glean understanding about Scottish womens lives in relation to one of the most rigorous disciplinary systems of early modern Europe.

This thesis consists of three empirical chapters that examine issues in development economics. Chapter 1 focuses on the effects of civil wars on the welfare of individuals. I use a unique data set that contains information on war casualties of the 1992-1995 Bosnian War, and exploit the variation in war intensity and birth cohorts of children, to identify the effects of the war on schooling attainment. I find that cohorts affected by war are less likely to complete secondary schooling, if they resided in municipalities that endured higher levels of war intensity. Ancillary evidence suggests that my estimates are most likely picking up immediate, rather than long-term effects. Furthermore, direct mechanisms such as the destruction of infrastructure and the out-migration of teachers do not seem to matter; instead, the ancillary evidence suggests that youth soldiering may be more important. Chapter 2 studies the impact of the partition which ended the Bosnian War on the post-war provision of public goods at the municipality-level. Comparing trends in the provision of public schooling across partitioned and unpartitioned municipalities during the 1986-2006 period, I find that partitioned municipalities provide 58 percent more primary schools and 37 percent more teachers (per capita). I also find evidence which suggests that convergent preferences - operating via ethnic politics - for ethnically oriented schools may be an important driver of the results, although I cannot rule out the possibility of mechanical explanations. In addition, as the increase in public goods provision may be ethnically oriented, only the ethnic majority profits from this arrangement. Chapter 3 provides an estimation of network effects among rural-urban migrants from Nang Rong, Thailand, by using heterogeneous migration responses to regional rainfall shocks among villagers as exogenous variation affecting network size. I find that social networks significantly reduce the duration of job search, and surprisingly, draw new migrants into the agricultural sector. I argue that this is not because agricultural jobs are more attractive than non-agricultural ones, but rather that my estimates are essentially local average treatment effects that are estimated off agricultural workers who are most affected by rainfall shocks.

The burgh of Canongate, situated next to Edinburgh, was deeply affected by the British Civil Wars (1638-49). The Canongate kirk session records, the parish-based bureaucratic and disciplinary records of the Reformed (Presbyterian) Kirk, provide a detailed portrait of daily life in Canongate during that tumultuous period. The records are particularly revealing of early modern gender history as they show how both men and women interacted with the local kirk, and reveal key social trends in the burgh, especially relating to sex and marriage. Illicit sex and its issue adultery, fornication and illegitimacy were a common and serious concern for the Reformed Kirk, and their persecution was more of a national preoccupation than in England or other parts of Europe. This concern is reflected in the large number of fornication and adultery cases that came before the Canongate kirk session between 1640 and 1650. The marital partnership, as the economic and social cornerstone of early modern society, was also an important issue in Canongate, and the kirk session records provide a glimpse at the nature and significance of marriage in the parish. Scotlands kirk session records offer one of few windows into the daily lives of early modern women, and they allow us to see some of the many ways in which women were active agents in the kirks system of godly discipline. Through the Canongate kirk session records, therefore, it is possible to glean understanding about Scottish womens lives in relation to one of the most rigorous disciplinary systems of early modern Europe.

Nowhere in the world is the demand for peace more prominent and challenging than in Africa. From state collapse and anarchy in Somalia to protracted wars and rampant corruption in the Congo; from bloody civil wars and extreme poverty in Sierra Leone to humanitarian crisis and authoritarianism in Sudan, the continent is the focus of growing political and media attention. This book presents the first comprehensive overview of conflict and peace across the continent. Bringing together a range of leading academics from Africa and beyond, "Peace and Conflict in Africa" is an ideal introduction to key themes of conflict resolution, peacebuilding, security and development. The book's stress on the importance of indigenous Africa approaches to creating peace makes it an innovative and exciting intervention in the field.

A guerra civil é a forma de violência coletiva mais importante de nossa época. Embora pesquisas recentes tenham apontado alguns elementos como determinantes das guerras civis, a influência dos fatores políticos nos conflitos internos ainda é controversa. O presente estudo analisa, por meio de regressão estatística, a relação entre a competitividade do poder executivo e a incidência de guerras civis de 1976 a 2000. Os achados indicam que tanto eleições com candidatos únicos como votações multipartidárias reduzem a incidência de guerras civis. Ademais, os resultados dão apoio às hipóteses levantadas pela literatura recente de que terreno montanhoso, grande população, sistema políticos centralizados e a existência de conflitos anteriores aumentam significativamente o risco de incidência de guerras civis / Civil War is the most important form of collective violence of our time. Although recent research has yielded some determining elements to civil war, the influence of political factors on internal conflicts remains disputed. This study analyzes, by means of statistics regression, the correlation between the competitiveness in the Executive Branch and the incidence of civil war from 1976 to 2000. The findings indicate that both single-candidate and multi-party elections reduce the incidence of civil war. Furthermore, the results lend support to the hypotheses put forward by recent literature that mountainous terrain, large population, centralized political system, and the existence of former conflicts significantly heighten the risk of incidence of civil war

Although the occurrence of wars between states has been in decline, the same cannot be said of conflict within states – especially when considering the innumerable ‘Civil Wars’ said to have occurred since the end of the Cold War. In this context the use of the word ‘innumerable’ is qualified more by the variance in how ‘Civil War’ is understood as a concept (leading to different claims as to how many conflicts of this kind may have occurred over a period of time) and less by their large number. Claims regarding the occurrence of ‘Civil War’ suggest this type of conflict to be the dominant form at least since the end of World War Two. This prevalence in the face of a decline in inter-state warfare has afforded greater interest to ‘Civil War’ as a topic of inquiry. The understanding that ‘Civil Wars’ have with time increased in their occurrence and changed in their nature comes under investigation in this thesis and is seen as problematic in that the means by which a phenomenon is measured (i.e. through its nature) must be fixed so as to measure the frequency of that phenomenon. Using Social Constructivism as a theoretical lens of inquiry, sense is made of this understanding and, furthermore, the true meaning behind the claim that ‘Civil War’ has changed is revealed. The empirical evidence that accompanies this theoretical work exists in the American Civil War of 1861–1865 and the debate over the conflict in Iraq following the U.S. invasion in 2003. This debate is used as a means by which to bring the contestation over the notion of ‘Civil War’ to the fore, while a comparison of this conflict with the quintessential American Civil War reveals the migration of the term.