La Turquie va-t-elle adhérer à l'Union européenne? Sa candidature a toujours été sujette à critiques: droits de l'homme non respectés, restrictions des droits et libertés, notamment de la liberté d'expression, de religion et des droits politiques. Les dossiers sensibles comme le problème kurde et la question chypriote sont à l'origine des multiples plaintes contre l'État turc devant la Cour européenne des droits de l'homme. Dotée des caractéristiques essentielles d'un État moderne et laïque, le pays dispose de structures formellement démocratiques, mais sa démocratie se révèle fragile: ses politiques tant internes qu'externes sont décidées par un Conseil national de sécurité composé pour l'essentiel de militaires. En outre, l'armée qui a pris le pouvoir à maintes reprises a donné au régime une dimension autoritaire. Cela non seulement en vertu des principes fondateurs de la République (tradition centralisatrice de l'État turc), mais aussi de la priorité que l'institution militaire accorde à la sécurité, à l'unité et à l'identité nationales. En effet, les mesures d'exception (état d'urgence, cours de sûreté de l'État, loi anti-terroriste) ont contribué aux violations des droits de l'homme, d'où l'opposition entre le droit conventionnel et le droit national. De plus, le système judiciaire et administratif instauré par les militaires en 1982 n'est pas conçu dans l'intérêt des justiciables. Certes, l'accès à la modernité n'a pu se faire que sous la contrainte et le contrôle de l'armée, mais le régime en Turquie peut-il continuer à s'appuyer sur les«piliers de l'ordre» que sont l'armée, la police et la justice ? L’État semble cependant se réorganiser progressivement pour permettre au pouvoir politique d'assurer un contrôleur les forces de sécurité et pour donner une meilleure indépendance à la justice. Le processus mis en route et les critères imposés pour l'adhésion à l'UE devraient contribuer à mettre en œuvre les réformes institutionnelles capables d'harmoniser la démocratie à l'État de droit, à l'image des pays européens. En effet, les changements récents sont liés à l'agenda européen. Le gouvernement turc semble être déterminé et ambitieux dans sa vocation européenne. Les progrès réalisés pour intégrer l'UE lui sont un moteur de propulsion devant servir au pays et à sa population. / The issue of the accession of Turkey to the European Union is one of the most controversial topics as regards to human rights. The sensitive issues such as the kurdish problem and the conflict with Cyprus are the main cause of the most restrictions of the rights and freedoms and complaints lodged against the Turkish State before the European court of Human Rights. Turkey has the essential characteristics of a modern and secular state, but its democracy prove to be fragile. Thus, the powerful role of the army in many areas of political life can be explained by the malfunctioning of the democracy, giving to the régime an authoritative aspect. The Turkish army is seen as the guardian of the unity, security and identity of the nation. Indeed, the access to modernity is due to the control of the army, but the régime in Turkey needs to undertake major policy reforms to converge with European Union policies. The judicial and administrative system set by the army in 1982 does not sufficiently protect the justiciable. The exceptional measures such as state of emergency, security state courts, anti-terrorist law contributed to the violation of human rights and emphasized the contradiction between conventional law and national law. Turkey has made progress towards modifying its legal system in order to give more independence and impartiality. The accession partnership will certainly enable Turkey to review its Constitution and relevant legislation in providing basic freedoms, the rule of law and respect of human rights in conformity with the European Union's own standards. Turkey's inclusion in the enlargement process has not only increased European Union leverage over Turkish politics, but revitalized Turkey's European vocation.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:24:08Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Karina Cardozo de Oliveira.pdf: 1521482 bytes, checksum: fdcc90912ef8beb50a1f3eb16e20ec5d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-02-03 / The purpose of this study is to present and resolve the main legal issues related to a transaction whose practice is of extreme importance to boost the effervescence and the liquidity of the Brazilian capital markets: the stock lending. Initially, we intended to address the development of such markets, since the beginning until the present moment, in order to have a historical background over the environment that the herein studied transaction integrates. Subsequently, we verified the main concepts related to the shares, which are the object of the stock lending, and concluded that due to the homogeneity of the rights and characteristics of a certain type or class of share, in our view, we may consider them as fungible assets. Such conclusion mattered to the development of our legal nature theory over the stock lending, which we classified as a loan. Further on, we analyzed the main characteristics of the stock lending agreement, in accordance with our civil doctrine, and its establishment as a private agreement and as an agreement registered in BTC system. In this respect, we gave special attention to the stock lending agreement executed under share public offerings. Finally, we verified the impact of the stock lending on the entitlement of shareholders rights the essential rights, the voting right and the right to participate in a public acquisition offering in each type of transaction. We concluded that, in the private agreements, all rights are transferred to the borrower, unless otherwise provided by the agreement entered between the parties. In the registered stock lending, the preemptive right for the subscription of new shares, convertible debentures and subscription bonuses, as well as the right to participate in the company s profits remain with the donor, considering that the BM&FBOVESPA facilitates its exercise. This dissertation integrates the line of research Effectiveness of Private Law and Civil Liberties , developed by the Post-Graduate Program in Law Studies of PUC-SP and the research project Legal Protection of Private Investment / O intuito deste trabalho é apresentar e resolver as principais questões jurídicas envolvendo uma operação cuja prática é de extrema relevância para impulsionar a efervescência e a liquidez do mercado de capitais brasileiro: o empréstimo de ações. Buscamos, inicialmente, abordar o desenvolvimento deste mercado, desde os primórdios até os diais atuais, no intuito de contextualizar o meio em que se insere a operação aqui estudada. Em seguida, verificamos os principais conceitos inerentes às ações, que são, por sua vez, objeto do empréstimo em questão, e concluímos que, em razão da homogeneidade dos direitos e características de uma determinada espécie ou classe de ação, poderíamos, a nosso ver, entendê-las como bens fungíveis. Essa conclusão importou para o desenvolvimento da nossa teoria acerca da natureza jurídica do empréstimo de ações, que foi por nós classificado como um mútuo. Adiante, analisamos as principais características do contrato de empréstimo de ações, de acordo com a doutrina civilista, e a operacionalização tanto na sua forma privada como também registrada no sistema BTC. Nesse sentido, dedicamos especial atenção ao contrato de empréstimo de ações celebrado no âmbito de ofertas públicas de distribuição de ações. Por fim, verificamos o impacto do empréstimo de ações sobre a titularidade dos direitos de acionistas tanto os direitos essenciais, como o direito de voto e o direito de participar em oferta pública de aquisição de ações em cada tipo de operação. Concluímos que, nos empréstimos privados, todos os direitos são transmitidos ao tomador do empréstimo, exceto se houver disposição específica contrária no contrato celebrado entre as partes. Já em relação aos empréstimos registrados, o direito de preferência na subscrição de novas ações, debêntures conversíveis e bônus de subscrição, bem como o direito de participar nos lucros da companhia emissora são mantidos com o doador, uma vez que a BM&FBOVESPA viabiliza o seu exercício. Esta dissertação insere-se na linha de pesquisa Efetividade do Direito Privado e Liberdades Civis , desenvolvida pelo Programa de Estudos Pós-graduados em Direito da PUC-SP e no projeto de pesquisa Proteção Jurídica do Investimento Privado

La Turquie va-t-elle adhérer à l'Union européenne? Sa candidature a toujours été sujette à critiques: droits de l'homme non respectés, restrictions des droits et libertés, notamment de la liberté d'expression, de religion et des droits politiques. Les dossiers sensibles comme le problème kurde et la question chypriote sont à l'origine des multiples plaintes contre l'État turc devant la Cour européenne des droits de l'homme. Dotée des caractéristiques essentielles d'un État moderne et laïque, le pays dispose de structures formellement démocratiques, mais sa démocratie se révèle fragile: ses politiques tant internes qu'externes sont décidées par un Conseil national de sécurité composé pour l'essentiel de militaires. En outre, l'armée qui a pris le pouvoir à maintes reprises a donné au régime une dimension autoritaire. Cela non seulement en vertu des principes fondateurs de la République (tradition centralisatrice de l'État turc), mais aussi de la priorité que l'institution militaire accorde à la sécurité, à l'unité et à l'identité nationales. En effet, les mesures d'exception (état d'urgence, cours de sûreté de l'État, loi anti-terroriste) ont contribué aux violations des droits de l'homme, d'où l'opposition entre le droit conventionnel et le droit national. De plus, le système judiciaire et administratif instauré par les militaires en 1982 n'est pas conçu dans l'intérêt des justiciables. Certes, l'accès à la modernité n'a pu se faire que sous la contrainte et le contrôle de l'armée, mais le régime en Turquie peut-il continuer à s'appuyer sur les«piliers de l'ordre» que sont l'armée, la police et la justice ? L’État semble cependant se réorganiser progressivement pour permettre au pouvoir politique d'assurer un contrôleur les forces de sécurité et pour donner une meilleure indépendance à la justice. Le processus mis en route et les critères imposés pour l'adhésion à l'UE devraient contribuer à mettre en œuvre les réformes institutionnelles capables d'harmoniser la démocratie à l'État de droit, à l'image des pays européens. En effet, les changements récents sont liés à l'agenda européen. Le gouvernement turc semble être déterminé et ambitieux dans sa vocation européenne. Les progrès réalisés pour intégrer l'UE lui sont un moteur de propulsion devant servir au pays et à sa population. / The issue of the accession of Turkey to the European Union is one of the most controversial topics as regards to human rights. The sensitive issues such as the kurdish problem and the conflict with Cyprus are the main cause of the most restrictions of the rights and freedoms and complaints lodged against the Turkish State before the European court of Human Rights. Turkey has the essential characteristics of a modern and secular state, but its democracy prove to be fragile. Thus, the powerful role of the army in many areas of political life can be explained by the malfunctioning of the democracy, giving to the régime an authoritative aspect. The Turkish army is seen as the guardian of the unity, security and identity of the nation. Indeed, the access to modernity is due to the control of the army, but the régime in Turkey needs to undertake major policy reforms to converge with European Union policies. The judicial and administrative system set by the army in 1982 does not sufficiently protect the justiciable. The exceptional measures such as state of emergency, security state courts, anti-terrorist law contributed to the violation of human rights and emphasized the contradiction between conventional law and national law. Turkey has made progress towards modifying its legal system in order to give more independence and impartiality. The accession partnership will certainly enable Turkey to review its Constitution and relevant legislation in providing basic freedoms, the rule of law and respect of human rights in conformity with the European Union's own standards. Turkey's inclusion in the enlargement process has not only increased European Union leverage over Turkish politics, but revitalized Turkey's European vocation.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-12-17T14:27:27Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 OthonMMA.pdf: 955144 bytes, checksum: 29d720958ad489287500017f5cfaa75c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006-08-23 / In Brazil, constitutional clauses regarding religious freedom have concrete applications in Private Law. Church-State Law, or "Ecclesiastical Law of the State," studies the legal principles which may be applicable to religious activity, exercised individually and collectively. The study of Church-State Law in Brazil lacks a thorough introduction to the constitutional and civil aspects of religious organizations: such an introduction is the main end of this work. Following a brief introduction, the main aspects of religious freedom and the principle of private autonomy as it concerns religious organizations are explained. A careful introductory analysis of Church-State Law in Brazil is thus developed: (1) the historical aspects, including a detailed account of the relations between Catholicism, the established religion up to 1889, and the government; (2) the current constitutional principles, as presented in the text of the federal Constitution of 1988, regarding the rights and claims of religious organizations; (3) how the same constitutional principles are to be used in the interpretation of Private Law (especially the Civil Code of 2002), fostering and preserving the uniqueness of religious organizations in the Brazilian legal system. A brief complementary chapter presents some aspects of the legal position of religious institutions in three other nations whose constitutional documents have influenced the current Brazilian federal Constitution (France, Spain, and the United States) / As garantias constitucionais de prote??o ? liberdade religiosa t?m aplica??o concreta no Direito Privado. O Direito Eclesi?stico do Estado (isto ?, o estudo das normas jur?dicas aplic?veis ao fen?meno religioso, em suas manifesta??es individuais ou coletivas) carece, no Brasil, de um estudo introdut?rio da posi??o constitucional e infraconstitucional das organiza??es religiosas, lacuna que o presente texto visa suprir. A breve an?lise abrangente do problema, segue-se apresenta??o dos princ?pios da liberdade religiosa e da autonomia privada aplicada ?s organiza??es religiosas. Um estudo cuidadoso sobre o hist?rico do Direito brasileiro do fen?meno religioso prefacia os pontos centrais da pesquisa: a defini??o dos princ?pios constitucionais estruturais do Direito Eclesi?stico no Brasil e a aplica??o pr?tica desses princ?pios no ?mbito do Direito Privado das pessoas jur?dicas de natureza religiosa (as organiza??es religiosas). Finalmente, apresenta-se a situa??o das pessoas jur?dicas religiosas no Direito Comparado, escolhidos ordenamentos jur?dicos nacionais que tamb?m guiam-se pela autonomia das esferas pol?tica e religiosa

The traditional narrative of political party development in the United States of America during the latter half of the 1790s ascribes the decline in popularity of the Federalist Party in the Election of 1800 to that party's passage of controversial legislation, specifically the Sedition Act of 1798, prior to the election. Between the passage of the Sedition Act and the Election of 1800, however, the midterm elections of 1798-1799 transpired and resulted in a significant increase in Federalist popularity in four states – North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, and Virginia. This study seeks to ascertain why these four states increased their support for the Federalist Party in 1798-1799, despite the passage of the Sedition Act by the Federalist Party. By examining newspapers and election results, this study analyzes the reaction of these four states to the passage of the Sedition Act and finds that generally, these states did not react strongly against the Sedition Act in the immediate aftermath of its passage. Instead, all four states urged national unity and emphasized the need to support the national government because the United States faced the threat of war with France. This study employs a state-by-state formula to determine each state's individual reaction to the Sedition Act and the Quasi-War, finding that ultimately, the Sedition Act did not have as significant of an impact in these states as the popular narrative holds.

Imagine a world where someone’s personal information is constantly compromised, where federal government entities AKA Big Brother always knows what anyone is Googling, who an individual is texting, and their emoticons on Twitter. Government entities have been doing this for years; they never cared if they were breaking the law or their moral compass of human dignity. Every day the Federal government blatantly siphons data with programs from the original ECHELON to the new series like PRISM and Xkeyscore so they can keep their tabs on issues that are none of their business; namely, the personal lives of millions. Our allies are taking note; some are learning our bad habits, from Government Communications Headquarters’ (GCHQ) mass shadowing sharing plan to America’s Russian inspiration, SORM. Some countries are following the United States’ poster child pose of a Brave New World like order of global events. Others like Germany are showing their resolve in their disdain for the rise of tyranny. Soon, these new found surveillance troubles will test the resolve of the American Constitution and its nation’s strong love and tradition of liberty. Courts are currently at work to resolve how current concepts of liberty and privacy apply to the current conditions facing the privacy of society. It remains to be determined how liberty will be affected as well; liberty for the United States of America, for the European Union, the Russian Federation and for the people of the World in regards to the extent of privacy in today’s blurred privacy expectations.