<p>This thesis deals with the problematic question of aid as a helping hand to states that are in the process of developing democracy. It focuses on the Sub Saharan African region as a critical case, and furthermore upon the aid contributions made by the European Union during the time period of 1996-2006. The main ambition is to explore the real effect of aid on the democratic process, but also to explore other variables that might have effect. The method used is regression analysing of a database called The Quality of Government database Cross – Section Time-Series May 2008. The database has later been modified to suit my specific needs and aid has been recoded. This thesis is meant to be a theory testing study, and the theories tested will be related to the independent variables such as aid as a democratic helping hand as well as theories of corruption, political participation and military rule in the search for democracy. </p>

The problem with which this thesis is concerned is the relationship between literature and politics. By means of a biographical and historical study two significant writers of the 1930s/40s I examine the ways in which the pressures of Depression, the threat of fascism and the onset of war influenced Australian writing. In particular, I ask whether the political issues of the period affected what these authors wrote and how they wrote it. My conclusion is that pressure of political concern caused significant personal, philosophical and political changes in Barnard and Davison, and that it affected both the genre in which they wrote and the content of their fiction. They turned from fiction to cultural commentary, historical writing, political pamphleteering and activism. They utilised short fiction as a means of discussing their worries about the state of the world and in order to promote values they felt threatened. When they returned to longer fiction their work bore, to differing degrees, in its ideas, arguments and imagery, the influence of their political engagement. More generally, I conclude that liberal humanism was the major animating philosophy of writers in the 1930s and that their concern with political issues grew from their conviction that western liberal democracy was the most fruitful soil for the production of art, a climate of freedom which they felt threatened by both fascism and war. This anxiety is the most important factor in both their politicisation and the work they did under the latter???s influence.

This work concerns with legislative changes which had direct influence on guarantee of human rights in PRC in the period of Hu Jintao's party chairmanship. Firstly the theoretic base of conception of human rights in PRC and in the world, which has been already compiled by specialists of humanrights and sinologists, is outlined. The specifics of humanright conception in dependency of historical conditions are explained. Then the method of research is introduced and concrete historical connections in given period, which is the basis for evaluation of legislative changes, are explained. These legal changes are analyzed in following chapter. Final summary sums up results, confronts them with initial expectations and presents general principles which are asserted during the formation of a new humanright legislative nowadays.

The attacks of September 11, 2001 (9/11) caused thousands of deaths, national and global panic, and immediate action by the federal government to protect the borders of the United States of America (USA) from terrorism. In response to these attacks, the United States (U.S.) government enacted laws for law enforcement agencies to protect against terrorist activities. Law enforcement agencies are effective in combating terrorism, but their measures contain a major flaw - the improper use of race in profiling to address national security and public safety concerns. Racial profiling is an ineffective measure for preventing terrorism. There are solutions to correct this flaw through reconstructing training and implementing policies for all law enforcement agencies. The intent of this thesis is to discuss the history and the effectiveness of profiling in U.S. post-9/11 counterterrorism through theoretical research of peer-reviewed journals and articles, relevant laws, and United States Supreme Court cases to offer solutions to the problems racial profiling presents. The discussion will generate a search for new ways law enforcement agencies could conduct daily counterterrorism operations.

Like in many parts of the world, South Africa has experienced a democratic decline. However, every country has its own reason for that decline. This paper will with the help of a case study method detect and analyze the possible reasons for the democratic backsliding in South Africa. The paper will keep its originality with the involvement of the Covid-19 pandemic and how it possibly affects the democratic state in the country. This study finds that there has been a lack of positive development in South Africa since the end of the apartheid regime. Poverty, Corruption, and a prevalent relative inequality still stain the South African society and the Covid-19 pandemic has exposed it to a new elevated level.

Les droits fondamentaux visent à la protection et à l’épanouissement de la personne humaine. Ils suscitent l’engouement et la controverse. Adossés à des textes internationaux et européens, mais provenant aussi de la réception du terme allemand « Grundrechte », diffusés tant en droit public qu’en droit privé, ils font l’objet de différentes analyses, spécialement en droit public, afin de déterminer leur signification, leurs fonctions, et leur régime. Il apparaît que les recherches conduites en doctrine ne permettent pas d’appréhender le concept de « droit fondamental » avec certitude. En effet, il n’existe pas de conception unique de la notion, les droits fondamentaux apparaissent comme une catégorie juridique insaisissable. Faute de définition claire, ils se distinguent difficilement des notions de « droits de l’Homme » ou de « libertés publiques ». Leur nature juridique est également incertaine. Pour ces raisons, ils constituent un ensemble hétéroclite difficile à délimiter et il convient de regretter que le droit international et le droit européen, pourtant riches en affirmations péremptoires, n'apportent pas un éclairage satisfaisant. La réalisation des droits fondamentaux est également imparfaite. D’une part, ils sont l'objet d'une surenchère caractérisée par une prolifération normative tant en droit interne qu’en droit international. Celle-ci n'est guère maîtrisée et mène à d’inévitables conflits qui, en l’absence d’une hiérarchie clairement établie, sont souvent irréductibles. D’autre part, les techniques de protection des droits fondamentaux s’avèrent insuffisantes notamment en raison de leur instrumentalisation par les différents juges. Les solutions jurisprudentielles sont dès lors imprévisibles et participent au phénomène de l’insécurité juridique. / Fundamental rights aim to protect and develop the human person. They provoke passion and controversy. Supported by international and European texts but also stemming from the German term “Grundrechte”, circulated in public law as well as in private law, they are subject to different analyses, especially in public law, in order to determine their meaning, their functions and their system. It seemed that the research conducted in doctrine does not enable the comprehension of the concept of “fundamental right” for certain. Indeed, a single concept of the notion does not exist, fundamental rights are seen as an imperceptible legal category. Due to the lack of a clear definition, it is difficult to set them apart from notions of “Human Rights” or “Civil Liberties”. Their legal nature is equally uncertain. For these reasons, they constitute a heterogeneous unity which is difficult to define and unfortunately international law and European law, though rich in peremptory assertions, does not provide a satisfactory perspective. The implementation of fundamental rights is equally as imperfect. On the one hand, they are subject to an outbidding characterised by a normative proliferation in domestic law as well as in international law. This is hardly controlled and leads to inevitable conflicts which, in the absence of a clearly established hierarchy, are often relentless. On the other hand, the techniques of protecting fundamental rights prove to be insufficient in particular, due to their manipulation by different judges. The judicial solutions are henceforth unpredictable and contribute to the phenomenon of judicial insecurity.

Les événements intervenus dans certains pays arabes depuis la fin de l’année 2011 ont montré le manque juridique dans ces pays à l’égard des textes juridiques régissant les droits et leurs garanties constitutionnelles et judiciaires. Ces événements ont montré également la nécessité de renforcer les garanties des droits énoncés dans les textes constitutionnels et le besoin de mettre en place des mécanismes capables d’assurer leur respect par tous. Ceci a poussé plusieurs pays à effectuer des réformes constitutionnelles ou de réécriture de nouvelles constitutions afin de répondre aux revendications populaires. Pour comprendre la situation des droits et leurs garanties dans les constitutions arabes, il convient d’étudier, dans un premier temps, les garanties normatives des droits. L’objectif est d’examiner l’existence constitutionnelle des droits dans les Etats car avant même de s'interroger sur leur contenu et leur garantie effective, il faut déjà s'assurer qu'il s'agit bien de normes juridiques. Le principe de la séparation des pouvoirs, qui est un des piliers de l’Etat de droit, mérite d’être examiné dans les pays arabe comme un élément inséparable des garanties des droits dans la Constitution. Dans un second temps, il convient de mettre en exergue le rôle du juge arabe en matière de protection des droits car la proclamation des droits à elle seule ne saurait suffire à assurer la garantie des droits contre les menaces pesant sur eux, mais, Il faut qu'on lui enjoigne la protection. C'est le juge donc qui a le pouvoir de constater les violations de la règle de droit et le cas échéant, de les sanctionner afin d'assurer le respect du droit. Dans ce cadre, on peut envisager deux types de sanctions juridictionnels, par le juge constitutionnel et par le juge judiciaire / The events that took place recently in some Arab countries since the end of 2011 showed the legal shortcomings in these countries with regard to the legal texts governing the rights and their constitutional and judicial guarantees. These events also showed the need to strengthen the guarantees of the rights set forth in the constitutional texts, the need to develop mechanisms to ensure respect by all. This has prompted several countries to make constitutional reforms or rewrite new constitutions in order to respond to popular demands. To understand the situation of rights and their guarantees in Arab constitutions, it is necessary to study, as a first step, the normative guarantees of rights. The objective is to examine the constitutional existence of the rights in the States because even before questioning their contents and their effective guarantee, one must already make sure that they are indeed legal norms. The principle of the separation of powers, which is one of the pillars of the rule of law, deserves to be examined in the Arab countries as an inseparable element of the guarantees of rights in the Constitution. In a second step, the role of the Arab judge in the protection of rights should be highlighted because the proclamation of rights alone is not enough to guarantee the rights against the threats against them, but let him be protected. It is therefore the judge who has the power to find violations of the rule of law and, if necessary, to punish them in order to ensure respect for the law. In this context, two types of judicial sanctions can be envisaged, by the constitutional judge and the judicial judge

This thesis deals with the problematic question of aid as a helping hand to states that are in the process of developing democracy. It focuses on the Sub Saharan African region as a critical case, and furthermore upon the aid contributions made by the European Union during the time period of 1996-2006. The main ambition is to explore the real effect of aid on the democratic process, but also to explore other variables that might have effect. The method used is regression analysing of a database called The Quality of Government database Cross – Section Time-Series May 2008. The database has later been modified to suit my specific needs and aid has been recoded. This thesis is meant to be a theory testing study, and the theories tested will be related to the independent variables such as aid as a democratic helping hand as well as theories of corruption, political participation and military rule in the search for democracy.

A l’heure où l’institution judiciaire est placée au coeur des débats de société, le statut et le rôle du parquet apparaissent comme des questions centrales de la réforme de la justice. Injonctions de la Cour européenne des droits de l’Homme, incohérences du modèle français: le parquet connaît une crise profonde de légitimité. Une réflexion théorique s’impose afin de construire un modèle cohérent et de donner aux représentants de la société, garants de l’intérêt général et des libertés individuelles une indiscutable légitimité. Celle-ci doit s’envisager au regard de la position du ministère public dans l’appareil d’Etat, à travers les procédures qu’il applique et les objectifs qu’il doit poursuivre. Après avoir envisagé la légitimité du ministère public au sein de l’autorité judiciaire, examiné les spécificités et les incohérences de son statut tant en droit interne que sous l’éclairage européen, il apparaît nécessaire de démontrer que ses différentes fonctions en matière pénale, civile et commerciale, font de lui un acteur indispensable de l’autorité judiciaire et complémentaire du juge, son statut ne pouvant s’envisager qu’à la mesure des missions qui lui sont confiées. / At a time in which the institutions of the judiciary are at the heart of public debate, it is apparent that the status and role of the Public Prosecutor are key issues in judicial reform. Further to rulings from the European Court of Human Rights and inconsistencies within the French model itself, the office of the Public Prosecutor in France is undergoing a profound crisis of legitimacy. A theoretical assessment appears necessary in order to produce an appropriate and coherent model giving indisputable legitimacy to those representatives of society who are to protect public interest and individual freedoms. Such legitimacy is to be considered in light of the position of the Public Prosecutor in the apparatus of State, the procedures he must follow and the objectives he must pursue. Having highlighted the lack of statutory safeguards applicable to the office of the French Public Prosecutor, and considering its legitimacy within the judiciary, it appears that by the very nature of its various criminal, civil and commercial functions, and given the tasks entrusted to it, the office of Public Prosecutor must be fulfilled by members of the judiciary who benefit, as such, from the same statutory guarantees as judges

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI) / This thesis concentrates on how nativism, through a series of discriminatory policies over the span of fifty years, influenced the creation of the Japanese American internment camps during the Second World War. By using the experiences of the first—and second—generations of Japanese immigrants, my thesis explores how nativism supported the creation of laws meant to preserve racial homogeneity, cultural superiority, economic segregation, and national security from the Japanese immigrants living in California during the end of the nineteenth century and first half of the twentieth century