Após levantar um breve histórico do conceito de sociedade civil na tradição filosófica ocidental, com especial atenção para as obras dos jusnaturalistas (Hobbes, Locke e Rousseau), Hegel e Gramsci, buscando identificar quais transformações sofreu este conceito ao longo do tempo, apresentamos um panorama do cenário historiográfico norte-americano, apresentando suas principais escolas, com ênfase em três momentos: a tensão entre amadores e profissionais, que estabelece o campo profissional; a hegemonia progressista da nova história (década de 1930), e a transição do consensualismo para o período multifacetado em que surge a história das minorias. Por último, analisamos 41 artigos da American Historical Review, de 1947 a 1992. O objetivo do trabalho foi compreender quais os sentidos atribuídos a este termo, pensando qual sua relação com os clássicos que pensaram este conceito, bem como com os interesses ideológicos em jogo no cenário intelectual norte-americano. / After a brief review of the concept of civil society in the Western philosophical tradition, with special attention to the works of natural law philosophers (Hobbes, Locke and Rousseau), Hegel and Gramsci, and seeking to identify how this concept has changed over time, we present an overview of North American historiography and its main schools, with emphasis on three points: the tension between amateur and professional historians establishing the professional field, the hegemony of the progressive \"new history\" (1930s), and the transition period from consensualism to the appearance of multi-faceted history of minorities. Finally, we analyze 41 American Historical Review articles from 1947 to 1992. The aim is to understand the meanings attributed to the expression civil society, reflecting upon their relationship with the classics that forge this concept, as well as with the ideological interests within the American intellectual scene.

Although a lot of people are not familiar with the term non-political politics, it has its indisputable place in the Czech history. It has evolved from thoughts of Karel Havlíček Borovský as a solution to the nation which was facing lack of its independence and was based upon awareness of national culture and self-governance. This conception was later adopted by Tomáš Garrigue Masaryk, who implemented the idea into its own political programme aimed at free and educated society. His non-political approach reflected intellectual and steady attitude with a manifest perspective which made him a leading person in establishing an independent state of Czechs and Slovaks. In 1970s, Václav Havel restored non-political idea and designed it for the purpose of the confrontation with the communist regime. Owing to his authority, non-political politics became again one of the main mechanisms leading to political pluralism. The topic of non-political politics, which is often perceived as the legacy of Václav Havel, is still present in the days of growing scepticism towards a democratic system with political parties. This thesis aims at description of non-political approach of K.H.B., T.G.M. and Václav Havel. It also attempts to ascertain if there is some similarity and continuity among the attitudes using the...

Este trabalho apresenta um estudo de caso de três entidades do movimento apaeano (movimento das associações de pais e amigos dos excepcionais) do Brasil, a APAE Porto Alegre, a APAE Novo Hamburgo e a Federação das APAEs do Estado do Rio Grande do Sul. O estudo procurou identificar elementos que compõem e exemplificam a atuação de organizações da sociedade civil brasileira, principalmente sua relação com o Estado, através da experiência destas entidades selecionadas. Desta forma foram analisadas, a participação das entidades em conselhos gestores, a relação de representação estabelecida com seu público-alvo e as configurações apresentadas na sua relação com o poder estatal. Estes aspectos foram sistematizados à luz de referenciais teóricos que tratam da relevância da sociedade civil para o desempenho democrático, buscando, assim, revelar os pontos onde as considerações teóricas e a realidade empírica das instituições pesquisadas se encontram. A partir desta abordagem foram identificados os espaços de atuação política das APAEs e os mecanismos utilizados na formação deste espaço, desde a incorporação de práticas comuns à outras organizações da sociedade civil, como a participação em conselhos e a representação de um público perante o Estado, até os aspectos que revelam uma estrutura de atuação tradicionalmente vinculada à filantropia. / This work presents the case study of three entities belonging to the Brazilian APAE Movement (movement of associations of parents and friends of mentally impaired people): APAE Porto Alegre, APAE Novo Hamburgo and the Federation of APAEs from the state of Rio Grande do Sul. The study tried to identify aspects that compose and exemplify the action of Brazilian civil society organizations, particularly regarding their relations with the state, by means of experience gathered with the aforementioned entities. Thus, the participation of these entities in local administrative councils was analyzed, as well as the relation established with the group of people they represent and configurations displayed in their relation with the state power. These aspects were systematized taking into account theoretical references bearing on the relevance of civil society to democratic practice, therefore trying to reveal points where theoretical considerations and the empirical reality of the researched institutions do meet. Stemming from this approach the space for APAEs political action was identified, as well as the mechanisms used in the constitution of this space: from the incorporation of practices common to other civil society organizations – like council participation and public representation to a state – to aspects that reveal a structure of action traditionally linked to philanthropy.

Orientador : Lino Castellani Filho / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Faculdade de Educação Física / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-22T18:18:41Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 LiaoJunior_Roberto_D.pdf: 1527453 bytes, checksum: 7dc01fea699d1aaa69df9e262eb00690 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013 / Resumo: A Tese apresenta a análise do contraditório processo de construção política do Programa Esporte e Lazer da Cidade no Distrito Federal e região do Entorno no estado de Goiás. O Programa foi elaborado pela Secretaria Nacional de Desenvolvimento do Esporte e do Lazer do Ministério do Esporte, inserido no primeiro Governo Lula, em seu Plano Plurianual "Brasil um País de Todos". O Consórcio Brasília materializou o preceito de uma das dimensões do Esporte, o Esporte Recreativo ("Participação" na legislação vigente), aquele voltado para a ocupação do tempo e espaço de lazer dos cidadãos, compreendido como instância de apropriação crítica das manifestações culturais. Organizado em janeiro de 2004, se viabilizou por meio do convênio firmado pelo ME com a Associação de Garantia ao Atleta Profissional do DF, que pela sua organização administrativa e compromisso político com um conjunto de entidades populares que desenvolviam práticas de esporte e lazer no DF e Entorno, criou as condições materiais para tal experiência. Este estudo teve como objetivo compreender em que medida o Consórcio Brasília protagonizou o processo de socialização, democratização da política e controle social, nas tensões e contradições entre o Estado e a Sociedade Civil, numa perspectiva contra-hegemônica. O referencial teórico metodológico para análise do objeto foi balizado na concepção de Estado, Sociedade Civil e Hegemonia em Gramsci. Procurou-se verticalizar o aspecto da Gestão e Controle Social, nas formas de organização, participação da sociedade civil, nas relações entre as Esferas Governamentais e as Entidades participantes do Consórcio. Para tanto, a análise se fez a partir de registros - quatro textos escritos desde o encerramento do 1º PPA do Governo Lula até a constituição do Fórum Popular e Permanente de Esporte e Lazer do DF - do Programa Esporte e Lazer da Cidade e da experiência do Consórcio Brasília, que manifestam as tensões entre Estado e Sociedade Civil. Na análise crítica apresentada, foram identificadas ações contra-hegemônicas de esporte e lazer, bem como relações de unidade e distinção entre Estado e Sociedade Civil, o primeiro ora representado pelo Governo Federal, ora pelo Governo do Distrito Federal, já a segunda, pelo Consórcio como um sujeito político coletivo. Constatamos enfrentamentos entre o PT e o PCdoB no âmbito da "grande política", como também cotejos internos ao PT entre suas frações na "pequena política", deles resultando mudanças na direção de um atrelamento aos interesses do partido majoritário à frente do ME. A constituição de um Conselho Gestor com uma Direção Colegiada, o processo de formação continuada, assim como as ações desenvolvidas nos Núcleos de Esporte e Lazer deram ênfase à formulação de posições que qualificaram politicamente as relações entre Estado e a Sociedade Civil na defesa do esporte e do lazer como direitos a serem universalizados. Contraditoriamente às teses que orientaram a elaboração do Consórcio, a ampliação dos convênios e a expansão do Programa na região fortaleceram ações isoladas e centralizadoras, fragilizando práticas coletivas e colegiadas, diretrizes do processo de formação e efetivação do Programa Esporte e Lazer da Cidade / Abstract: This thesis presents an analysis of the political struggle during the construction of the Sports and Leisure City Program for Brasilia and surroundings. This program was established by the National Secretariat of Sport and Leisure Development of the Sport Ministry (SM). In the course of President Lula's first term, it was inserted in the multi-year plan, the so-called "Brazil: a country for all". The Consortium Brasilia materialized the precept of the dimensions of Sport, Recreation Sport ("participation" is the word used in the law now in force), it turned to the occupation of leisure time and space for citizens, which should be here understood as a level of appropriation of cultural criticism. Set up in January 2004, it became viable as a result of an agreement signed by both the SM and the Association of Professional Sport Warranty to Brasilia. Thanks to its administrative structure and political commitment to several social work organizations related to sport and leisure activities in Brasilia and surroundings, there have been Nmaterial conditions for such experiment. This study aimed to understand the importance of the Consortium Brasilia in the socialization process, as well as in the democratization of both politics and social control, and also in periods of unrest between the State and civil society, within a counter-hegemonic perspective. The theoretical framework for analysis of the object was based on Gramsci's concept about the State, Civil Society and Hegemony. We tried to verticalize the aspect of Management and Social Control in the forms of organization, participation of civil society, the relations between government circles and agencies involved in the consortium. For both, the analysis is done from records - four texts written between the end of the 1st APP of the Lula administration and the creation of the People's Forum and Permanent Sporting Goods DF - Program Sport and Leisure Town and experience Consortium Brasilia, which manifest tensions between State and civil society. The critical analysis presented identified counter-hegemonic actions in sport and leisure, as well as ties and differences between state and civil society, the former being represented by the federal government, sometimes by the government of Brasilia, while the latter, by the consortium as a collective political subject. There have been conflicts between factions of PT and PCdoB in both high-level politics, when preparing the APP 2004/2007, and in low-level politics, which resulted in changes towards the interests of majority party within the SM. The creation of a management council with a direction board, the process of continuing education, as well as the actions taken in sport and leisure units emphasized the formulation of positions that qualified politically relations between state and civil society in defense of sport and leisure as rights to be universalized. Unlike the theory that governed the preparation of the Consortium, the expansion of the covenants and expansion program in the region strengthened isolated and centralized actions, weakening team work and collective practices, guidelines formation process and realization of the Sports and Leisure City Program / Doutorado / Educação Fisica e Sociedade / Doutora em Educação Física

Why do some (non)violent civil resistances in nondemocracies achieve democracy while others do not? In order to answer this question, this project examined factors that result in different outcomes and the mechanisms critical to democratization. In particular, I paid close attention to whether autocracies failing after successful (non)violent civil resistance adopted transitional justice (TJ) mechanisms such as trials, truth commissions, and amnesty, and how civil society worked in each course of democratization. I explored the conditions of democratic consolidation (e.g., economic development, democratic neighbors, and political institution) and among them, focused on the civil culture that led citizens to participate positively and actively in politics with belief and trust. I found that in the course of democratization, implementing TJ policies is necessary in order to build inter-group trust and encourage citizens to participate critically in political reform. Because TJ mechanisms are designed to make past wrongdoers accountable and reconcile conflicting sides, these approaches can strengthen civic culture and promote reconciliation by restoring the rule of law and rebuilding victims’ dignity. In addition, I argued that a robust civil society (CS) plays a vital role in sustaining democracy, not only by encouraging TJ adoption, but also by playing roles such as supporter, mobilizer, enforcer, monitor, and so on. In this context, I suggested that (non)violent civil resistance can contribute to building a robust CS. Particularly, nonviolent and large resistance with diverse participants can increase the capacity, legitimacy, and representativeness of a CS so that it can play its role(s) properly. Statistical analysis with large-n data supported these arguments. Despite the controversy in the literature, adoption of TJ policies turned out to be a positively significant factor for achieving democratic consolidation; and, the robustness of CS, which can be developed through (non)violent civil resistance, was significant as well, particularly at the early phase of the democratization process. The application to the 2011 Arab Uprising cases (Tunisia and Egypt) that focused on TJ adoption and the role of CS revealed consistent conclusions as well. Although there are several limitations to this study, I attempted to reveal the importance of the linkages among steps to democratization and increase understanding of the “process” rather than simply the “cause” or “result.” In addition, the findings can be implemented in policies for proliferating democracy by supporting/encouraging democratization from the ground up (i.e., below), CS growth, and TJ adoption after transition.

M.A. (Public Management and Governance) / This dissertation focused on the variables that influence civil society participation in selected African countries. This dissertation dealt inter alia with the conceptual and contextual variables of civil society participation in general and civil society organisations’ participation in particular. The aim was to determine what should be included in this process to make it efficient within a Third World context or a new developing democracy. A general descriptive, qualitative and interpretive approach was followed in terms of civil participation in Africa. Specific case studies – Burkina-Faso, Tanzania and Zimbabwe – were identified to highlight the observations. The main study objectives entailed a conceptual description and an explanation of the participation related concepts, phenomena, and processes that influence civil society participation in Africa. Notably, this was done by undertaking a detailed literature study. The dissertation also provided a specific level of understanding of the nature of the variables that influence civil society participation in selected African countries. The aim was to gain a better understanding of the nature and problems of participative democratic governance in African states. The study focused on the nature and forms of civil society participation on a local level and communal structures in African countries in general. Specific focus was placed on Burkina-Faso, Tanzania and Zimbabwe. From this perspective this study addressed the question of civil society, forms of political participation, as well as the social processes developing in Africa. The study perceived the notions of ‘civil society’ and ‘political participation’ with an empirical approach and used the term ‘civil society’ in the positive sense. Thus, civil society included the associated movements and the individual entities that participate in exercising social control over the political class, without formally or exclusively belonging to it. It was found that exercising social control in Africa is a cultural phenomenon, which is varied and dynamic with regard to its content and forms. Criticism, allocating prestige or shame, coercion or the use of violence, free expression and explicit manifestations of approval or disapproval are equal modalities in exercising this social control in Africa as a form of political participation. Notably, this corresponds to the ‘national’ and the ‘local’ levels of governance.

D.Phil. / Civil society organisations have and will be mentioned as partners, agents and autochthonous actors of social security. This has come about through advances in insurance products, through the kinds of social action engaged in by civil society organisations, and through the devolution of state power to citizens and civil society organisations. Rights to social security are decisively affected by the use of civil society organisations in the social policy field, and the implications of this use are investigated. This reality of the changing nature of social action needs to be brought to bear on human rights, if rights are to respond adequately to the concerns of injustice, inequality and poverty today. The thesis develops a framework within which civil society-based action could be made rights-based and justiciable, and which could guard against the retrogressive substitution of state action by civil society-based activity. Civil society-based action can be seen as upholding rights if it conforms to the fundamental requirements of human rights. These fundamental requirements derive from a performative conception of rights that sees the individual as subject of rights and as the fundamental actor of rights. This view of rights sees rights as dependent on the abilities and volition of all in society, and is presented as an alternative to a realist view of rights, as well as a view of rights as derived from basic human functionings. The intersection of this view of rights, the reality of non-state action for rights, and the legal discourse around socio-economic rights is the central problem that this thesis addresses. The legal discourse has only partially recognised this form of social action, and this thesis proposes a framework within which we may interpret and assess whether civil society action is indeed conducive to the realisation of rights. This framework includes democratic norms for conduct inside civil society organisations, for the interaction between civil society organisations and other actors, like the state and market, and also delineates the role of the court in this performative conception of rights. These interactions will shape the content, and nature of socio-economic rights, and here these insights are made applicable to the right to have access to social security in South Africa. The thesis discusses the suitability of South African civil society for this normative programme developed here. I analyse South African civil society, its historical role in transformation, in the current context, and its place in social and economic policy. There are ample opportunities for participation by civil society organisations in the further reform of the social security system. The realisation of novel ways to realise the right to have access to social security through civil society organisations for South Africans would depend on clarity on how civil society organisations could contribute to the enjoyment, realisation and performance of this right. The framework of accountability developed here has precedents and roots in law, civil society theory and in the discourse of social security. I analyse each, and I show how the social security discourse has incorporated civil society organisations in its historical development. Currently, it is a leading avenue for the further development of this discourse. However, this possibility – which intersects with the discourse of civil society – would depend on civil society being able to realise normative ends in its interaction with wider society. To gain clarity on this I analyse the civil society discourse, and critically point out problems that could stand in the way of this normative project. However, theorists of civil society have emphasised how this problem can be overcome; I draw on these writings to substantiate and legitimate the framework of accountability developed earlier. The realisation of this framework of accountability and action would enable civil society organisations to realise normative ends in society, and thus contribute to the realisation of rights. This vision of how rights could be realised is also discussed from a legal point of view, and I point out the features of the legal discourse that would support my thesis. The central objective of the thesis is to show that the South African constitution can support this reading of rights and the place of civil society action in its realisation.

Liberal democracy, a political system marked not only by free and fair elections, but also by the rule of law, a separation of powers and the protection of basic liberties of speech, religion, assembly, and property (Zakaria 1997: 22), has for a long time formed part of theoretical debates in political science, and recently it has been hailed as the preferred political system. According to Mattes (2003) it is the only system in the world designed to maximize human dignity, freedom as well as distribute sovereignty amongst its people. However, there has been wide acknowledgement of a possible new threat to liberal democracy and democratic consolidation: HIV/AIDS. Indeed, the HIV/AIDS pandemic is being depicted as one of the biggest threats to the democratic system in Africa today. Mozambique is not immune to the above crisis. The first case of HIV/AIDS was diagnosed in 1986. This was followed by a steady increase in the prevalence rate to an estimated 16.2% among the population aged 15 to 49 years in 2004. In July 2004, the government declared HIV/AIDS a national emergency (UNICEF 2005). This study assesses the possible impacts that the pandemic might have in Mozambique and on efforts of consolidating democracy by looking at two indicators of democratic consolidation, namely, civil society and economic growth. The study concludes that notwithstanding efforts at halting and minimising the spread of HIV/AIDS by government, civil society and international organizations prevalence rates in Mozambique continue to rise. Prevalence rates rose from a low average of 11 percent in 2000 to 12.7 percent in 2001, 13.6 percent in 2002, and 16.2 percent in 2004 and 2006 (allAfrica.com 2007). The study concludes that the rise in prevalence rates affects Mozambique‘s civil society and the economy, mainly the agricultural sector and household economy. The impact that the pandemic has on these sectors of society may in turn have an impact on the quality of democracy and the prospects for democratic consolidation in Mozambique. Copyright / Dissertation (MA)--University of Pretoria, 2010. / Political Sciences / unrestricted

This study examines the changing context and implications for evaluation practice of social program and service delivery devolved to small nonprofit and grassroots organizations. The setting is explored through a critical reflection-on-practice of over twenty years experience conducting evaluation. Using a multiple case study approach, the dissertation examines nine broad themes through two broad composite scenarios and twenty-five detailed vignettes that portray the challenges of working as a consultant with and for small nonprofit and grassroots organizations as they grapple with growing demands for accountability through evaluation. The multiple case study analysis is complemented by an analysis of case studies in two broad areas of literature; one on the impacts of devolution in the nonprofit sector, and the other examining recent trends in evaluation conducted in challenging settings, including community-based and non-governmental organizations (NGOs). The five broad themes addressed through the case studies and literature on devolution are: 1) accountability, 2) capacity, 3) mandate drift, 4) competition, and 5) complexity. The four broad themes addressed through case studies and literature on evaluation are: 1) theory-based evaluation, 2) inclusiveness (participatory approaches), 3) the changing and multiple roles of evaluators, and 4) the use of dialogue, deliberative and democratic approaches in evaluation practice. The study contends that the ‘rough ground’ of nonprofit settings provides a useful lens for understanding broader challenges and trends in evaluation practice; that evaluators provide more than just technical skills and knowledge, but undertake important roles in linking communities, mediating among stakeholders, fostering dialogue and deliberation about programming, and mitigating some of the more egregious impacts of devolution experienced by nonprofit and grassroots organizations. By acknowledging and supporting the development of such roles and responsibilities, the profession and evaluators working in these settings can provide meaningful contributions to public discourse about the nature of accountability, the broad context of social programming, the complex capacity challenges being faced by nonprofit organizations, and the role of evaluation in exacerbating or potentially mitigating such effects. / Education, Faculty of / Graduate

The inclusion of faith-based organisations in development continues to generate debates regarding the competency of such organisations to deliver social service programs. These debates are further fuelled by the view that faith-based groups provide more effective social services than secular agencies because of their faith character. More and more, government and the development agencies are utilising these arguments to increase their funding to faith-based organisations. The consequent effect of this is the proliferation of faith-based organisations, with the scenario in Nigeria being no different. Most beneficiaries of faith-based programmes consider them an integral part of the development process. However, there is yet another dimension of this anecdote between faith groups and development-; the debates centred on the effects of faith on development outcomes, with faith groups attributing their success to the use of `faith' (the ‘faith’ hypothesis) and critics stating otherwise. Nevertheless, is there evidence that better development outcomes can be achieved through faith driven development?Utilising data from a combination of qualitative methods-interviews (key informants and others), focus group discussions and archival research and quantitative methods- a survey of selected beneficiaries of programs delivered by both secular and faith-based NGOs, this study test the 'faith' hypothesis in development outcomes and compares the organisational characteristics of faith-based and secular organisation that provide services to people living with HIV/AIDS in southern part of Nigeria. I conclude from the findings that ultimately whilst faith did contribute positively within the program and shaped development, it also served as a hindrance, excluding potential beneficiaries from participating in the programs. In addition, because of the focus of the development community on outputs rather than outcomes, these contributions of faith-based organisations were lost.