Marcus Antonius Muretus, the sixteenth century French and Italian Humanist orator and professor, employed, in his orations and, to a lesser degree, in his epistles, a system of metrical prose rhythm (numerus) consistent with Ciceronian practice. Muretus did not, however, seek to employ accentual prose rhythms (cursus) characteristic of medieval prose; nevertheless, such rhythms arose naturally in his work as a byproduct of metrical prose rhythm. These findings, confirmed by statistical analysis, are congruent with the assumption that Humanist authors preferred Ciceronian stylistics to those associated with the “middle ages,” in accord with the tripartite Humanist narrative of history, in which the Humanists usher in a Renaissance of learning and elegance lost by preceding centuries.

The thesis examines two of the most prominent forms of Ancient Greek medicine, rational and temple. These two forms put themselves in direct competition with each other and often tried to differentiate their form from the other. On the other hand the public often conflated these two types viewing them as one entity instead of two. The perception of Ancient Greeks was that the two forms were actually very similar and the temple practitioners and rational physicians were in many ways interchangeable.

In this dissertation, I consider Euripides’ tragedies of 415 (Alexandros-Palamedes-Troiades) and 412 (Helen-Andromeda), and books 6-8 of Thucydides’ Histories (on 416/15-411), with attention to particular thematic elements in each text. These include: ritual and religious impiety; infighting and power struggles between the upper-classes; and personal or collective abandonment to erotic impulses. I propose that during the period in question (or when writing about the period in question, in Thucydides’ case), both authors place novel emphasis on the combined effect of all three elements. This novelty expresses itself in two major ways. First, the authors treat religious indecorum, aristocratic jockeying, and erotic impulsivity as a set, with a consistency that exists neither in Euripides’ previous works, nor in Thucydides’ Histories 1-5. Second, both authors develop a particular vocabulary for these religious and socio-political struggles. Thucydides introduces new terms, or prefers alternative definitions for some that he regularly employs. The result is a section of text that is at once consistent with the material that precedes it, yet outstanding for its peculiar thematic and verbal elements. The focused consistency of Euripides’ thematic and verbal choices in his trilogy of 415 supports the argument that the tragedies of this year must be read as an interdependent set, in which the first two works hold the keys to the content and reading of the third. In his works of 412, choice terms signal Euripides’ unique engagement with the mythical tradition; choice themes link Helen and Andromeda while separating them from Euripides’ other works. My aim in considering these innovations is to offer a fresh way into a wide-ranging conversation regarding Euripides’ and Thucydides’ shared historical context and the similarities between their respective texts. A focused perspective calls attention to the exceptionality of the narrative subset in question, the perception of which can be dulled by generalizing, comprehensive approaches. Euripides and Thucydides appear to have shared certain literary sensibilities that set them in close alignment with one another — and apart from their contemporaries — as men whose contributions to the broader literary landscape were remarkable for the precise features of their construction and expression. / 2020-10-08T00:00:00Z

Recently many scholars have drawn attention to the meta-rhetorical nature of the competitions between Aeschines and Demosthenes, as each attempts to point out and condemn the rhetoric of the other. This concept of the "rhetoric of anti-rhetoric" has yet to be fully explored in Aeschines' three speeches. Aeschines' speeches depend for their structure and persuasive power on the interplay between Aeschines' self-representation as an idiotes (private citizen) and his anti-rhetorical attacks against the rhetor (politician) Demosthenes. When viewed in this way, the speeches of Aeschines manifest not only a beauty of structure but also a persuasiveness rivaling even Demosthenes' great oratory. This goes far toward explaining why Aeschines defeated Demosthenes in two of their three encounters. The purpose of my dissertation is to show that Aeschines, though considered a famous Athenian rhetor, represents himself as an idiotes in his speeches. Aeschines' self-representation as an idiotes requires a fresh look into the Athenian social perception of the distinction between rhetor and idiotes. How can Aeschines, a skilled speaker, argue that he is not a rhetor? To answer this question, we must take what Aeschines says about himself in his speeches seriously, namely, that he does not make a habit of prosecuting in the courts and that he goes long stretches without addressing the Assembly. Next, we need to measure these historical facts against the definition of rhetor in common use in fourth-century Athens, i.e. a continuous speaker before the Assembly and courts. Insofar as the term rhetor was socially and relatively defined, Aeschines could and did, by a persistent self-characterization as an idiotes, convince the majority of his audience that he was not in reality a rhetor. Secondly, my dissertation shows that much modern criticism of Aeschines' oratory as pedantic, legalistic, or unstructured arises from an insufficient consideration of Aeschines' insistent appeal to his status as idiotes. Aeschines' constant attack on Demosthenes' rhetoric throughout his three speeches depends for its persuasive effect on his self-representation as an idiotes. In fact, all of Aeschines' speeches are structured around the idea of the rhetor's threat to the people as well as to Aeschines himself. Aeschines is able to identify with the audience members even as he makes his opponent a threat to them. Aeschines' skill and versatility in deploying the art of anti-rhetoric teach us the potential and limit of this rhetorical convention at the same time as they illustrate the ambivalence of the Athenian people toward their political leaders.

As early as Tacitus, Livian scholarship has struggled to resolve the "Livian paradox," the conflict between Livy's support of the Roman Republic and his overt approval of Augustus, who brought about the end of the Republic. This paper addresses the paradox by attempting to place Livy's writings within their proper historical and literary context. An examination of Augustus' position during the early years of Livy's writing shows that the princeps cloaked his power within the precedent of Republican autocracy, in which imperium could be unlimited in power so long as it was limited by time. As a result, although Augustus' rule would ultimately prove the end of Rome's republic, nevertheless during Livy's early writings Augustus' reign and the Republic were not antithetical. Livy's preface and early exempla further demonstrate that Livy's writings, while condemnatory of his contemporary Rome, blame Rome's decline on the character of the Roman people rather than a corruption of the Republic's political forms. In his preface Livy blames vitia, not ambitio for the universal destruction of the civil wars, while his exempla from the monarchic period and beyond show praise or condemnation of individuals for their actions, not their political offices. Livy praises most of Rome's monarchs for their individual character and their establishment of mores, while also portraying the early Romans' defense of libertas as injuriously overzealous. Ultimately, Augustus' attempts to legislate conservative, "traditional" morality made him a contemporary exemplum of Livy's ancient mores. Thus, the Livian paradox is answered by understanding that Augustus and the Republic were not antithetical, Livy was not concerned with political forms but morality, and Augustus' morality aligned with that championed by Livy.

This thesis is a case study of the ancient graffiti found in a specific city block, the Insula of the Menander (I.X), in the ancient Roman city of Pompeii. Contrary to the late 19th and early 20th century treatment of graffiti in Pompeian scholarship, which dismissed ancient graffiti as casual inscriptions with little relevance to the archaeology of Pompeii, recent scholarship approaches ancient graffiti as artifacts, studying them within their context. Using this contextual approach, my thesis examines the spatial distribution of the graffiti in the Insula of the Menander to better understand the use of public and private space. Chapter 1 introduces the topic of ancient graffiti in context, providing a brief description of the current state of scholarship and of the history of the Insula of the Menander. Chapter 2 discusses the challenges of defining ancient graffiti, and the various approaches to their interpretation. The two hypotheses are: first, that graffiti frequency and public and private space are related, and second, that graffiti type and room function are related. Chapter 3 outlines the methodology for analyzing the graffiti in context, and introduces general comparisons of frequency and spatial distribution. Chapter 4 continues this analysis, describing the graffiti in the context of each house and unit in the insula. Chapter 5 concludes that ancient graffiti, when used along with related archaeological evidence, are an informative source for studying the conceptualization and use of public and private space in antiquity, and may be used in future studies for gaining insight into the functions of space in the Roman cultural mindset. / acase@tulane.edu

It was the purpose of this study (1) to discover the similarities and dissimilarities in three ancient Greek plays that used the legend of the house of Atreus as the basis for their plots; (2) to discover how these similarities and dissimilarities illustrate separate points of view concerning man, the universe and man’s place in that universe; and (3) to discover what relationship if any exists between the points of view expressed and the particular moment in history at which each playwright wrote. The plays considered were the Oresteia, a trilogy by Aeschylus first presented about 458 B.C.; Electra by Sophocles; probably presented first sometime before 413 B.C.; and Electra by Euripides, first presented in 413 B.C. SInce the purpose of the study was to compare ideas and points of view expressed by the three great tragic dramatists of Greece, no attempt was made to justify the plays selected as works of art nor their authors as master craftsmen. However, in cases where translators disagree or left out portions of the manuscript which seemed to be mistakes in copying or lapses in artistry on the part of the playwright, the investigator adopted the attitude expressed by H.D.F. Kitto. All the plays were read in translation, but where more than one translation was available at least two translations were read, one literal and one poetic; in some cases as many as three were read in an effort to insure accuracy.

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In Rome, the activity of hunting was a pastime traditionally associated with the emperor and aristocracy. As such, hunting imagery in Roman art became symbolic of masculinity and power, expressions of which were important for the self-representation of status-conscious citizens. More specifically, virtus, often translated as “manliness” or “courage,” is the principal quality that is expressed through hunting scenes, although other ideas such as wealth and erudition were alluded to in these scenes as well. This thesis examines hunting scenes in the media of sarcophagi, mosaics, and silverware from the third to the sixth centuries AD. It focusses on the kinds of hunting imagery found on different media in order to discern the values that were important to patrons in the later Roman period, and the ways in which these values were expressed in the visual arts. In the funerary context, mythological hunting scenes on sarcophagi most often present the deceased as a man of virtus. However, owing to the Entmythologisierung of Roman sarcophagi during the third century, the ways in which virtus was expressed through these scenes underwent significant change during this period. On domestic floor mosaics, virtus was also a principal virtue that was expressed, but other ideas such as wealth and generosity were also displayed on hunting scenes in this medium, both mythological and non-mythological. Moreover, hunting scenes on silverware often highlight the wealth of the vessel’s owner. Additionally, allusions to a patron’s paideia, his formal educational background in Greek and Latin literature, as well as expressions of one’s Christian faith, also served as claims of membership in exclusive groups. / Thesis / Master of Arts (MA)

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