El conflicto armado no internacional (CANI) que se vive en Colombia lleva más de cincuenta años de existencia. Si bien, como suele suceder en los conflictos armados, no se puede definir una fecha de inicio de las hostilidades, los antecedentes directos al CANI colombiano se pueden rastrear en el periodo conocido como La Violencia (1946-1958), en el cual los partidarios políticos de los liberales y conservadores se enfrentaron en situaciones de tensión que dejaron alrededor de 16 mil personas muertas y 321 mil desplazados.1 Este periodo concluye con el pacto entre ambos partidos tradicionales, mediante el cual se forma el Frente Nacional que es “una coalición entre las élites políticas y económicas dirigidas a proteger sus intereses mutuos, acordado por las facciones liberal conservadora tradicionales, institucionalizando la no competencia entre los actores pactantes”.2 El informe ¡Basta ya! Colombia: Memorias de la Guerra y Dignidad, publicado por el Grupo de Memoria Histórica en el 2013, dividió el conflicto colombiano en cuatro etapas, siendo el comienzo del primer periodo la toma del poder por parte del Frente Nacional en 1958. Dichas etapas son las siguientes: (i) la violencia bipartidista se transforma en violencia subversiva (1958-1982); (ii) la expansión guerrillera, políticas de paz y eclosión paramilitar (1982-1996); (iii) los años de la tragedia humanitaria: la expansión de guerrillas y paramilitares, el Estado a la deriva, y la lucha a sangre y fuego por el territorio (1996-2005); y, por último, (iv) las Autodefensas Unidas Colombianas negocian y se desmovilizan. El Estado empuja a las Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia hacia su retaguardia (2005-2012). / Tesis

Thesis. 1979. M.C.P.--Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Dept. of Urban Studies and Planning. / MICROFICHE COPY AVAILABLE IN ARCHIVES AND ROTCH. / Bibliography: leaves [219]-[220]. / M.C.P.

El presente plan estratégico está enfocado en el Departamento colombiano de La Guajira, estableciendo como visión que para 2027, el departamento será un referente nacional de la competitividad, fundamentado en pilares de gran importancia como el desarrollo social, el mejoramiento de la educación, la ampliación de la cobertura de la salud, la reducción de la pobreza, el desarrollo portuario y minero-energético, y la innovación tecnológica, impulsado en gran medida por el desarrollo del turismo ecológico y su proyección al mercado internacional, fortaleciendo de la misma manera la infraestructura de éste sub-sector, para así asegurar una mejor cobertura, generando de esta manera mejores y mayores beneficios para todos sus pobladores. Para la realización de este profundo estudio, se utilizó el modelo de Planeamiento Estratégico elaborado por el profesor Fernando D’Alessio. Se analizaron aspectos económicos, sociales, tecnológicos, ambientales, políticos, de seguridad y algunos otros que permitieron llegar a conclusiones finales, que posibilitaron la propuesta de mejora de objetivos de largo y corto plazo, buscando el beneficio departamental. Los resultados obtenidos indican que a pesar de las fuertes adversidades por las que el departamento ha venido pasando durante los últimos años, la región guajira cuenta con la suficiente capacidad y un enorme potencial para convertirse en una de las regiones más prosperas de Colombia. Es importante resaltar que para lograr esta ambiciosa meta se requiere contar con el acompañamiento de este plan estratégico, que con certeza agregará valor a sus potencialidades ventajas comparativas locales, para así elevar la productividad y competitividad presentes, pero que al final las transformará en ventajas competitivas sólidas y contundentes para consolidar dichas metas, aumentar la calidad de vida y la sostenibilidad ambiental / The focus of this Strategic Plan is La Guajira Department in Colombia, envisioning that by the year 2027, it will be a national benchmark of competitiveness, based on important pillars, such as, social development, improvement of the education system, expansion of health-care coverage, poverty alleviation, development of the port and the energy-mining industry, and technological innovation, boosted by the growth of eco-tourism, its projection in the international market, and the strengthening of this sub-sector’s infrastructure, by seeking to ensure a better coverage, thus generating better and greater benefits for all its inhabitants. The Strategic Planning model, developed by professor Fernando D'Alessio, was applied when carrying out this detailed research. Economic, social, technological, environmental, political, security and other aspects were analyzed to reach the final conclusions, which enabled to create the proposal for the improvement of long and short-term objectives, striving to benefit the Department. Results show that, despite the strong adversities that La Guajira has been experiencing in recent years, this is a region with the adequate capacity and enormous potential to become one of the most prosperous regions in Colombia. It is important to emphasize that to achieve this ambitious goal, the follow up of this Strategic Plan is a must, it will certainly add value to its potential local comparative advantages, to increase its current productivity and competitiveness, which at the end, will transform them into solid, conclusive and competitive advantages to consolidate these goals, to increase the well-being of the people, and the environmental sustainability / Tesis

Thesis (M.S.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Architecture, 1982. / MICROFICHE COPY AVAILABLE IN ARCHIVES AND ROTCH. / Bibliography: p. 98. / by Nora Cecilia Aristizabal. / M.S.

Univ. Pedagógica y Tecnológica de Colombia, Diss.--Tunja, 2005.

Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2003. / Thesis advisor(s): Harold Trinkunas, Jeanne Giraldo. Includes bibliographical references (p. 109-117). Also available online.

In the past decade, party systems have collapsed in Venezuela and Peru. Scholars have suggested that Colombia may be following a similar fate. I argue it is not. Despite loosing national elections the Liberal Party still wins subnationally. Regional clientelistic networks, based on goods that do not depend upon the central state, help provide votes to those candidates who have been in politics the longest. The latter are likely to be liberal politicians, with privileged positions within the party. They get nominated, thus, they have no reason to defect. Because they distribute goods that are independent from the national state, they also have little incentive to promote national candidates. Consequently, the LP wins within the regions but is unable to attain control of national offices. As long as it keeps doing so this party is unlikely to disappear. / text

No description available.

There is no abstract available for this dissertation. / Department of English

The provision of urban services is one of the most important issues in the process of urbanization. However, more than half of the urban population in developing countries does not enjoy any of these services yet. The public sector has been unable to provide services to the ever-increasing urban population. This failure has been met by the involvement of the private sector in the provision of services: nevertheless, private services are only provided to those who can afford them. The urban poor, who are the majority of the population in urban centres, are not able to afford those services. In the absence of public and private services, the poor have managed themselves to provide services. However, the provision of services by the informal sector has been attacked by governments, which have rarely evaluated or understood this sector. This thesis investigates how the informal sector has created different networks to provide services. In order to find out how exactly this phenomenon has taken place in poor communities, an informal settlement was selected in Bogota, Colombia for a case study. Service networks were identified and classified according to their nature, the operational and technical aspects were described, and, finally, the accepted level of services by the members of the community was analyzed and inferences were drawn. In this way, the studies showed that the informal sector through the use of networks assembled by community-based organizations and/or assembled by different individuals with private initiative were successfully providing services to the poor.