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Submitted by Bruno Marques Silva (bmarques78@gmail.com) on 2016-09-08T20:09:12Z No. of bitstreams: 1 TESE Bruno Marques Silva DEPÓSITO FINAL.pdf: 4042564 bytes, checksum: 243996626fda9c5bacfa824dfae87868 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Rafael Aguiar (rafael.aguiar@fgv.br) on 2016-09-13T14:05:26Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 TESE Bruno Marques Silva DEPÓSITO FINAL.pdf: 4042564 bytes, checksum: 243996626fda9c5bacfa824dfae87868 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Marcia Bacha (marcia.bacha@fgv.br) on 2016-09-22T18:55:03Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 TESE Bruno Marques Silva DEPÓSITO FINAL.pdf: 4042564 bytes, checksum: 243996626fda9c5bacfa824dfae87868 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-09-22T18:55:33Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 TESE Bruno Marques Silva DEPÓSITO FINAL.pdf: 4042564 bytes, checksum: 243996626fda9c5bacfa824dfae87868 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-08-19 / The thesis intends to carry out a biographical analysis of Colonel PM Carlos Magno Nazareth Cerqueira, with a professional and intellectual profile. His name represented one of the most important intellectual expressions of a group of officers 'reformist' engaged in reforms in the Military Police of Rio de Janeiro State (PMERJ) in government of Leonel Brizola (1983-95). Attentive to the new international policing strategies, these new managers, led by Nazareth Cerqueira, redefined the role of the corporation from concepts such as prevention, community integration and legality, facing the military police as a 'public service'. The general commander of PMERJ tried to build a new regulatory framework in the administration of public security in the state of Rio de Janeiro and in particular the ostensible police work. Cerqueira, to seek the adequacy of police activity and objectives of communities, fought the traditional social control policies, providing concrete institutional contours to the brizolista human rights speech. The biggest challenge of this policy work was to disciplinary the policy themselves on a new basis. His command, when testing the Community model of policing in Rio de Janeiro, constituted an important contribution of pedetistas governments for Brazilian democracy in the 1980s and 90s. Colonel Cerqueira’s ideas and projects are fundamental to understand the continuities and changes in the treatment of public safety. The concepts and methods offered by Political History and the Intellectual History were used to recover his significant contribution in the field of ideas and political disputes. / A tese propõe uma análise biográfica do coronel PM Carlos Magno Nazareth Cerqueira, com um recorte profissional e intelectual de sua trajetória. Seu nome representou uma das expressões intelectuais mais importantes de um grupo de oficiais 'reformistas' engajados nas reformas implementadas na Polícia Militar do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (PMERJ) nos governos de Leonel Brizola (1983-95). Atentos às novas estratégias internacionais de policiamento, esses novos gestores, comandados pelo secretário Nazareth Cerqueira, redefiniram o papel da corporação a partir de conceitos como prevenção, integração comunitária e legalidade, encarando a polícia militar como um 'serviço público'. O comandante-geral da PMERJ tentou construir um novo marco regulatório na administração da segurança pública no estado do Rio de Janeiro e, em especial, do trabalho policial ostensivo. Cerqueira, ao buscar a adequação entre a atividade policial e os objetivos das comunidades, combateu as tradicionais políticas de controle social, oferecendo contornos institucionais concretos ao discurso brizolista dos direitos humanos. Essa empreitada política teve como um de seus maiores desafios a redisciplinarização da própria polícia. Seu comando, ao ensaiar o modelo comunitário de policiamento no Rio de Janeiro, constituiu-se numa importante contribuição dos governos pedetistas para a redemocratização brasileira nas décadas de 1980 e 90. Os projetos e ideias do coronel Cerqueira são fundamentais para a compreensão das permanências e transformações no tratamento da segurança pública. Recupero sua significativa contribuição no campo das ideias e das disputas políticas a partir, sobretudo, dos conceitos e métodos oferecidos pela História Política e pela História Intelectual.

Thesis Media reflections on Czechoslovak Legions 1918-1939 analyzes period articles, theater plays and publications dedicated to the participants of the first resistance and describes how the Czechoslovak public was informed about legionaries based on the study of archival materials and the content of analysis. A scrapbook catalog of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in the National Archives in Prague, that contains authentic collections of articles about legionaries and the activities of legionary organizations was used as a main source of information. The diploma thesis briefly summarizes the work of the Czechoslovak revolutionary army during the First World War and the development of the press in the Czech lands. A significant part is focused on the popular periodicals called Lidove noviny and Narodni osvobozeni and their articles. It describes the legionary cult and its symbolism. A large part of the thesis describes the person of J. J. Svec. It analyses the first great Czechoslovak film based on his story. Part of the work is based on christianlegion symbols in a time when the separation of the Church and the state was an eminent period topic. It documents how the story was presented to the readers by means of the period articles.

<p>Contest outcomes often involve some mix of skill and chance.  In three essays, I vary the sources of noise and show how player actions either influence, or are influenced by, noise.  I begin with a classic multi-battle contest, the Colonel Blotto game.  Due to his disadvantage in resources, the weak player in this contest stochastically distributes resources to a subset of battlefields while neglecting all others in an attempt to achieve a positive payoff.  In contrast, the strong player evenly distributes his resources in order to defend all battlefields, while randomly assigning extra resources to some.  Because the weak player benefits from randomizing over larger numbers of battlefields, a strong player has incentive to decrease the range over which the weak player can randomize.  When battlefields are exogenously partitioned into subsets, or \textit{fronts}, he is able to do this by decentralizing his forces to each front in a stage prior to the distribution of forces to battlefields and actual conflict.  These allocations are permanent, and each subset of battlefields effectively becomes its own, independent Blotto subgame.  I show that there exist parameter regions in which the strong player's unique equilibrium payoffs with decentralization are strictly higher than the unique equilibrium payoffs without decentralization.</p> <p><br></p> <p>In my second paper, I show how sources of exogenous noise, what Clausewitz referred to as the ``fog of war," obscure developments on the battlefield from the view of a military leader, while individual inexperience and lack of expertise in a particular situation influence his decisionmaking.  I model both forms of uncertainty using the decentralized Colonel Blotto game from the first chapter.  To do so, I first test the robustness of allocation-stage subgame perfect equilibria by changing the contest success function to a lottery, then I find the players' quantal response equilibria (QRE) to show how individual decision-making is impacted by bounded rationality and noisy best responses, represented by a range of psi values in the logit QRE.  I find that player actions rely significantly less on decentralization strategies under the lottery CSF compared to the case of the all-pay auction, owing mainly to the increased exogenous noise.  Moreover, agent QRE and heterogeneous QRE approximate subgame perfect equilibria for high values of psi in the case of an all-pay auction, but under the lottery CSF, QRE is largely unresponsive to changes in psi due to the increase in exogenous noise.</p> <p><br></p> <p>Finally, I examine a potential method for introducing noise into the all-pay auction (APA) contest success function (CSF) utilized in the Colonel Blotto games of the first two chapters.  Many contests are fundamentally structured as APA, yet there is a tendency in the empirical literature to utilize a lottery CSF when stochastic outcomes are possible or the tractability of pure strategy equilibria is desired.  However, previous literature has shown that using a lottery CSF sacrifices multiple distinguishing characteristics of the APA, such as the mixed strategy equilibria described by Baye, Kovenock, and de Vries (1996), the exclusion principle of Baye, Kovenock, and de Vries (1993), and the caps on lobbying principle of Che and Gale (1998).  I overcome this by formulating an APA that incorporates noise and retains the defining characteristics of an auction by forming a convex combination of the APA and fair lottery with the risk parameter lambda.  I prove that equilibria hold by following the proofs of Baye et al. (1996, 1993) and Che and Gale (1998), and I show the new CSF satisfies the axioms of Skaperdas (1996).  While player and auctioneer actions, payments, and revenues in the noisy APA adhere closely to the those of the APA for low levels of noise, the effect of discounted expected payoffs results in lower aggregate payments and payoffs when noise is high.  Finally, I show the noisy APA is only noise equivalent to the lottery CSF when lambda = 0, i.e., the fair lottery.</p>

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This thesis will contend that a permanent body of military force under royal command, a ‘standing army’, arose during the first three decades of the seventeenth century in France. Such a development constituted a transformation in the nature of the monarchy’s armed forces. It was achieved by encouraging elements of the French nobility to become long-term office-holders within royal military institutions. Those members of the nobility who joined the standing army were not coerced into doing so by the crown, but joined the new body of force because it provided them with a means of achieving one of the fundamental ambitions of the French nobility: social advancement for their family. The first four chapters of this thesis thus look at how the standing army emerged via the entrenchment of a system of permanent infantry regiments within France. They look at how certain families, particularly from the lower and middling nobility, attempted to monopolise offices within the regiments due to the social benefits they conferred. Some of the consequences that arose from the army becoming an institution in which ‘careers’ could be pursued, such as promotion and venality, will be examined, as will how elements of the the nobility were vital to the expansion of the standing army beyond its initial core of units. Chapters Five and Six will investigate how the emergence of this new type of force affected the most powerful noblemen of the realm, the grands. In particular, it will focus on those grands who held the prestigious supra-regimental military offices of Constable and Colonel General of the Infantry. The thesis concludes that the emergence of the standing army helped to alter considerably the relationship between the monarchy and the nobility by the end of the period in question. A more monarchy-centred army and state had begun to emerge in France by the late 1620s; a polity which might be dubbed the early ‘absolute monarchy’. However, such a state of affairs had only arisen due to the considerable concessions that the monarchy had made to the ambitions of certain elements of the nobility.

This thesis examines news representations of Canadian, American and Australian military personnel involved in military 'sex scandals'. I explore what the representations of military personnel involved in well-publicized sex scandals reveal about scripts of soldiering and militarized masculinities. Despite a history of systemic violence in the military, I ask how and why the systemic nature of militarized masculinities are able to remain invisible, driving representations to focus on the ‘bad’ behaviour of individuals? By engaging with feminist scholarship in International Relations, I present the longstanding culture of misogyny, racism, homophobia and ableism in the Canadian, American and Australian militaries, focusing on the ways in which militarized masculinities are guided by these violent structures, and fundamental to the military's creation of soldiers. My dissertation uses the tools of critical discourse analysis to unpack the ways blame is individualised in cases of sexual and racist violence involving military personnel, while the military’s ableism, rape culture and imperial militarized masculinities are commonly naturalized or celebrated without regard for how they are fundamentally violent. My thesis presents an intersectional feminist project that intervenes in emerging questions in the field of transnational disability studies, tracing how militarism, hegemonic militarized masculinities and imperial soldiering (re)produce categories of ability and disability.

This thesis examines the descriptions of Royalist and Parliamentarian masculinity in English Civil War memoirs by women through a close reading of three biographical memoirs written by Margaret Cavendish, duchess of Newcastle; Lady Ann Fanshawe; and Lucy Hutchinson. Descriptions of masculinity are evaluated through the lens of Raewyn Connell's theory of hegemonic masculinity to understand the impact two competing models of masculinity had on the social and political culture of the period. The prevailing Parliamentarian hegemonic masculinity in English Civil War memoirs is traced to its origins before the English Civil War to demonstrate how hegemonic masculinity changes over time. The thesis argues that these memoirs provide evidence of two competing models of Royalist and Parliamentarian masculinities during the Civil War that date back to changes in the Puritan meaning of the phrase “man of merit”, which influenced the development of a Parliamentarian model of masculinity.