No final do século XVIII, o poderio econômico da França repousava essencialmente sobre o comércio que o país realizava com as suas colônias. Graças, principalmente, ao açúcar e ao café de São Domingos, a \"pérola das Antilhas\", o comércio colonial francês atingia o seu auge no mesmo momento em que o país rumava para um processo violento de transformação de suas instituições. Ao mesmo tempo, havia, na metrópole, questionamentos a respeito da gestão de colônias cada vez mais povoadas de escravos, arrancados de seus lares para exercer o cultivo nas plantations. Nesse contexto, em 1788, formou-se a primeira organização antiescravista francesa, a Sociedade dos Amigos dos Negros. Sob a liderança de alguns dos principais personagens do período revolucionário, como Brissot, Clavière, Mirabeau, La Fayette e Condorcet, essa sociedade de nobres, homens de letras e financistas procurou introduzir a questão do tráfico negreiro na ordem do dia dos debates políticos que marcaram a Revolução francesa. Procuramos, no presente trabalho, retraçar a atividade desses homens, cuja moderação contrasta com o rumo que a questão colonial tomou, a partir da grande insurreição dos escravos em São Domingos, de agosto de 1791. Acreditamos que o estudo dos limites do discurso antiescravista do final do século XVIII e da política colonial das assembleias revolucionárias traz consigo ensinamentos sobre os limites da própria Revolução francesa. / At the end of the 18th century, France\'s economic power relied foremost on trade with its colonies. Thanks to the sugar and coffee produced in Saint-Domingue, the \"pearl of the Antilles\", French colonial commerce reached its peak at the very moment the country was moving toward a violent process of radical institutional transformation. At the same time, it was a moment of interrogations about the administration of colonies whose slave population was in continuous increase. In this context, in 1788, the first French antislavery organization was created, the Society of the Friends of the Blacks. Under the leadership of some of the key-characters of the revolutionary period, like 7 Brissot, Clavière, Mirabeau, La Fayette and Condorcet, this society of nobles, intellectuals and financiers endeavored to bring the issue of slave trade to the political debate that marked the French Revolution. We intend, with this study, to retrace the activities of those men, whose moderation of principles was in contrast with the turn of events that marked the colonial space, with the slave insurrection of August 1791, in Saint-Domingue. We hope that, by approaching the limits of the antislavery program of the late-18th century and of the colonial policies of the revolutionary assemblies, this study might offer teachings on the limits of the Revolution itself.

No final do século XVIII, o poderio econômico da França repousava essencialmente sobre o comércio que o país realizava com as suas colônias. Graças, principalmente, ao açúcar e ao café de São Domingos, a \"pérola das Antilhas\", o comércio colonial francês atingia o seu auge no mesmo momento em que o país rumava para um processo violento de transformação de suas instituições. Ao mesmo tempo, havia, na metrópole, questionamentos a respeito da gestão de colônias cada vez mais povoadas de escravos, arrancados de seus lares para exercer o cultivo nas plantations. Nesse contexto, em 1788, formou-se a primeira organização antiescravista francesa, a Sociedade dos Amigos dos Negros. Sob a liderança de alguns dos principais personagens do período revolucionário, como Brissot, Clavière, Mirabeau, La Fayette e Condorcet, essa sociedade de nobres, homens de letras e financistas procurou introduzir a questão do tráfico negreiro na ordem do dia dos debates políticos que marcaram a Revolução francesa. Procuramos, no presente trabalho, retraçar a atividade desses homens, cuja moderação contrasta com o rumo que a questão colonial tomou, a partir da grande insurreição dos escravos em São Domingos, de agosto de 1791. Acreditamos que o estudo dos limites do discurso antiescravista do final do século XVIII e da política colonial das assembleias revolucionárias traz consigo ensinamentos sobre os limites da própria Revolução francesa. / At the end of the 18th century, France\'s economic power relied foremost on trade with its colonies. Thanks to the sugar and coffee produced in Saint-Domingue, the \"pearl of the Antilles\", French colonial commerce reached its peak at the very moment the country was moving toward a violent process of radical institutional transformation. At the same time, it was a moment of interrogations about the administration of colonies whose slave population was in continuous increase. In this context, in 1788, the first French antislavery organization was created, the Society of the Friends of the Blacks. Under the leadership of some of the key-characters of the revolutionary period, like 7 Brissot, Clavière, Mirabeau, La Fayette and Condorcet, this society of nobles, intellectuals and financiers endeavored to bring the issue of slave trade to the political debate that marked the French Revolution. We intend, with this study, to retrace the activities of those men, whose moderation of principles was in contrast with the turn of events that marked the colonial space, with the slave insurrection of August 1791, in Saint-Domingue. We hope that, by approaching the limits of the antislavery program of the late-18th century and of the colonial policies of the revolutionary assemblies, this study might offer teachings on the limits of the Revolution itself.

Wassa in southwest Ghana was the location of the largest mining sector in colonial British West Africa. The gold mines provide an excellent case study of how labour was mobilised for large-scale production immediately after the legal end of slavery, in the context of an expansive independent labour market. Divided into three sections, this thesis examines the practice of indirect labour recruitment for the mines during the formative years of colonial rule; the incorporation of ‘traditional’ credit relationships into ‘modern’ commerce. The starting point for this study is the analysis of precolonial strategies for mobilising labour. Part one examines the most pervasive and coercive employer-employee relationship in precolonial West Africa, namely the master-slave relationship. Even enslaved Africans could expect individual economic opportunity, and related to such, debt protection, and the power of labourers increased significantly after abolition. Starting in the 1870s, mine management found that the most effective way of recruiting long-term wage earners was through headmen; African authorities who established temporary patronage relationships with a group of labourers by offering them credit. Moreover, administrative and court records indicate that there were various forms of headship, some which the mines managed to impose greater regulation over than others. Therefore, part two demonstrates that issues of cost and control of recruitment differed depending on whether the labour recruiter had been furnished with the capital of a mining firm to conduct his business, whether he had done so with his own personal savings, or whether he was in the employment of the colonial government. Finally, part three takes a comparative look at headship and recruitment through rural chiefs, which began in 1906; two successive forms of non-free wage labour mobilisation. In 1909, mine management reverted to the headship system that many colonial commentators regarded as being more compatible with the colonial political order, albeit under considerably stricter regulations.

The aim of this paper is to analyze the measures taken by the viceroy conde de Castellar to clean up the Royal Treasury. As we will show, in the first half of the seventeenth century the treasury was managed by viceroys and royal officials in close collaboration with the financial and commercial sectors which were under the guardianship, or enjoyed the favor, of the representatives of the monarch. When Castellar arrived, in 1674, he tried to correct some of the irregularities that existed in the treasury, and this policy was successful insofar as he succeeded in increasing the income of the Caja of Lima after the destruction of the 1660s. However, he had to confront the royal officials and, above all, the Consulado of Lima, which was responsible for the most important income of the Caja of Lima after remittances from mining. In the blink of an eye, the viceroy changed the terms of the relationship between the commercial elite, the viceroys and the Royal Treasury. / El objetivo de este artículo es analizar las medidas que tomó el virrey conde de Castellar con el fin de sanear la Real Hacienda. Como se demostrará, en la primera mitad del siglo XVII el erario era manejado por los virreyes y oficiales reales en estrecha colaboración con los sectores financieros y comerciales que estaban bajo la tutela o gozaban del favor de los representantes del monarca. Cuando llegó Castellar, en 1674, intentó corregir parte de las irregularidades que existían en el erario, y esta política fue exitosa en tanto logró aumentar los ingresos de la Caja de Lima después de la hecatombe de la década de 1660. Sin embargo, en el camino hubo de enfrentarse a los oficiales reales y, sobre todo, al Consulado de Lima, que era el responsable de los ingresos más importantes de la Caja de Lima después de las remesas mineras. En un cerrar de ojos, el virrey desacomodó los términos en los cuales se habían establecido las relaciones entre la élite comercial, los virreyes y la Real Hacienda.

O estudo da moeda contribui para a compreensão da dinâmica do Antigo Sistema Colonial. Entre Portugal e Brasil, no seiscentos, ocorria uma evasão monetária em virtude, sobretudo, das vantagens comerciais fundadas no exclusivo metropolitano. Esta evasão foi agravada pela lei de 4 de agosto de 1688, que determinava um aumento de 20% no valor extrínseco das moedas portuguesas e que as patacas espanholas deveriam correr a peso pela razão de 100 réis a oitava. O objetivo da lei era combater o cerceio e evitar a evasão monetária na metrópole. Entretanto, no Brasil, cujo meio circulante era composto predominantemente por patacas cerceadas, houve resistências, insatisfações e até motins contra a implementação da lei, que diminuiria o valor extrínseco do dinheiro dos moradores na colônia. O governador-geral Câmara Coutinho publicou e fez cumprir a lei, o que intensificou ainda mais o escoamento de moedas do Brasil para Portugal, acentuando ainda mais as dificuldades dos senhores de engenho e lavradores, num momento crítico da produção açucareira. Quando a escassez de dinheiro comprometeu a arrecadação, ordenou-se a fundação da Casa da Moeda na Bahia para produção de moedas provinciais. / The study of currency contributes to the understanding of the dynamics of the Old Colonial System. Between Portugal and Brazil in the seventeenth century, there was a evasion of coins due mainly to commercial advantages based on metropolitan exclusive. This evasion was intensified by the law of August 4th, 1688, which determined an increase of 20% in the extrinsic value of the Portuguese coins, and that the Spanish patacas should run by the weight ratio of 100 reis by one eighth. The purpose of the law was to combat the curtailment and prevent the evasion of coins in the metropolis. However, in Brazil, whose currency was composed predominantly by curtailed patacas, there were resistances, dissatisfaction and even riots against the implementation of the law, which would decrease the extrinsic value of the money of the residents in the colony. The general governor Câmara Coutinho published and did comply with the law, which further intensified the flow of coins from Brazil to Portugal, further accentuating the difficulties of the senhores de engenho and lavradores, at a critical moment in sugar production. When the money shortage undertook the tax collection, it was ordered the founding of the Mint in Bahia for the production of provincial coins.

O estudo da moeda contribui para a compreensão da dinâmica do Antigo Sistema Colonial. Entre Portugal e Brasil, no seiscentos, ocorria uma evasão monetária em virtude, sobretudo, das vantagens comerciais fundadas no exclusivo metropolitano. Esta evasão foi agravada pela lei de 4 de agosto de 1688, que determinava um aumento de 20% no valor extrínseco das moedas portuguesas e que as patacas espanholas deveriam correr a peso pela razão de 100 réis a oitava. O objetivo da lei era combater o cerceio e evitar a evasão monetária na metrópole. Entretanto, no Brasil, cujo meio circulante era composto predominantemente por patacas cerceadas, houve resistências, insatisfações e até motins contra a implementação da lei, que diminuiria o valor extrínseco do dinheiro dos moradores na colônia. O governador-geral Câmara Coutinho publicou e fez cumprir a lei, o que intensificou ainda mais o escoamento de moedas do Brasil para Portugal, acentuando ainda mais as dificuldades dos senhores de engenho e lavradores, num momento crítico da produção açucareira. Quando a escassez de dinheiro comprometeu a arrecadação, ordenou-se a fundação da Casa da Moeda na Bahia para produção de moedas provinciais. / The study of currency contributes to the understanding of the dynamics of the Old Colonial System. Between Portugal and Brazil in the seventeenth century, there was a evasion of coins due mainly to commercial advantages based on metropolitan exclusive. This evasion was intensified by the law of August 4th, 1688, which determined an increase of 20% in the extrinsic value of the Portuguese coins, and that the Spanish patacas should run by the weight ratio of 100 reis by one eighth. The purpose of the law was to combat the curtailment and prevent the evasion of coins in the metropolis. However, in Brazil, whose currency was composed predominantly by curtailed patacas, there were resistances, dissatisfaction and even riots against the implementation of the law, which would decrease the extrinsic value of the money of the residents in the colony. The general governor Câmara Coutinho published and did comply with the law, which further intensified the flow of coins from Brazil to Portugal, further accentuating the difficulties of the senhores de engenho and lavradores, at a critical moment in sugar production. When the money shortage undertook the tax collection, it was ordered the founding of the Mint in Bahia for the production of provincial coins.