Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI) / This thesis discusses about developing a routing protocol of mobile ad hoc networks in a bio inspired manner. Algorithms inspired by collective behaviour of social insect colonies, bird flocking, honey bee dancing, etc., promises to be capable of catering to the challenges faced by tiny wireless sensor networks. Challenges include but are not limited to low bandwidth, low memory, limited battery life, etc. This thesis proposes an energy efficient multi-path routing algorithm based on foraging nature of ant colonies and considers many other meta-heuristic factors to provide good robust paths from source node to destination node in a hope to overcome the challenges posed by resource constrained sensors. / 2020-12-31

[pt] À leitura do epistolário jesuíta, principalmente as Cartas (1549-1558) redigidas pelo padre Manuel da Nóbrega, evidenciam-se assuntos concernentes ao trato com o indígena que através da língua, liturgia e catequese possibilitam um aprofundamento fecundo quando as comparam com os temas do opúsculo Diálogo sobre a Conversão do Gentio. O Discurso versa com suportes bíblico, filosófico, teológico e literário, argumentos importantes ainda não resolvidos no convívio do colono e mesmo dos jesuítas com os silvícolas do Brasil. Nóbrega compôs a peça para dar voz ao homem americano, demonstrando sua humanidade pela alma que possuía; a cultura que vivenciava e pela aptidão natural e moral de receber a mensagem do evangelho e se converter como tantos outros povos tornaram-se cristãos. O texto é primoroso no debate dos dois oponentes Matheus Nogueira e Gonçalo Álvares, um e outro pretendendo demonstrar a possibilidade ou não da conversão do aborígine - que as tímidas Cartas não explicitavam a opinião de muitos como contrária, e o Diálogo revelou de forma tão contundente e grave o parecer melancólico e pessimista entre colonos e jesuítas da impossibilidade de conversão do gentio brasil. Entretanto, as entrelinhas querem provar o contrário: a crença do autor (Nóbrega) na aceitação do evangelho pelo índio e sua conversão. / [en] The Jesuit letters, particularly those written by the priest Manuel da Nóbrega and collected in Cartas (1549-1558), offer a glimpse of how Brazilian Indians were dealt with through language, liturgy and catechism. This material allows for deep understanding of such topics, specially when compared with those tackled in Diálogo sobre a Conversão do Gentio, which draws on philosophy, theology, literature and the Bible to address major unresolved arguments in the relationship of the settlers and the Jesuits with the Brazilian Indians. Nóbrega wrote it with the purpose of giving voice to the American man, arguing that the natives were human, since they possessed a soul which endowed them with the moral and natural ability to be open to the message of the Gospel and to convert to Christianity as many other peoples before them. In the text, the debate between the two opponents, Matheus Nogueira and Gonçalo Alvares, is superbly rendered, both trying to establish whether it was possible or impossible for the natives to convert. Whereas the Cartas fails to proclaim the opinion of many as opposing, the Diálogo reveals unequivocally the melancholic and pessimistic view of settlers and Jesuits, who believed that it was impossible to convert the Brazilian Indians. However, if we read between the lines we perceive the opposite: namely, that Nóbrega did believe that the natives would eventually accept the Gospel and become Christians.

Patterns of DNA synthesis and mitosis in the coenobial alga Pediastrum boryanum (Turp.) Meneghini were analyzed by cytophotometric measurements of individual, Feulgen‐stained nuclei from swarming zoospores aggregating into colonies, and cells in colonies varying in age from 12 to 96 h after their initial transfer to fresh culture medium. A haploid genome size of 0.2 pg DNA (corresponding to roughly 11 × 1012 daltons, or 1.64 × 105 kb) was estimated by comparative measurements of nuclei from zoospores or young colonies and chicken erythrocyte (RBC) nuclei which were included with each set of Pediastrum slides as an internal reference standard of 2.5 pg DNA/cell. Although nuclear morphology and extent of chromatin condensation vary with different stages of colony development, nuclear division in P. boryanum appears to follow each cycle of DNA replication with no accumulation of DNA beyond the 2C level. Cytoplasmic cleavage resulting in the formation of individual zoospores is delayed until completion of mitosis, as is the demise of the pyrenoid. After 96 h of culture, 40% of all colonies have cells that are 8‐ or 16‐nucleate and some colonies have 32 nuclei/cell. Release of zoospores within vesicles occurs at this time to complete a cycle of asexual reproduction.

Master thesis project presents a strategy for wide area of Bratislava river-front, the Pecniansky forest. Aim of proposal is to get that large and forgotten place, the part of Bratislava city centre, back into the life. By controlled changes achieve space that will be attractive to all animal and plant species. The space is transformed to system of functional, relax and pure natural sites. The new space can offer new possibilities for Bratislava inhabitants in their free time and will be educational in self-sufficiency, sustainability and ecology in general.

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Substantial comparative analyses of Puritanism and Mormonism are lacking in historical scholarship, despite noted similarities between the two religions. This study helps to fill that void by comparing the Puritan and Mormon proselytization efforts among the Indians that occurred at the respective sites of Massachusetts Bay Colony and the Southern Indian Mission. In my examination of the missionization attempts that took place at these two locations, I analyze a common motive and method of the two denominations for attempting to Christianize the Indians. The Puritan and Mormon missionaries proselytizing in Massachusetts Bay Colony and the Southern Indian Mission shared an identical motive for seeking to convert the Indians to Christianity. The missionaries' conviction that the regional natives were descendants of the House of Israel prompted them to proselytize among the Indians, as they understood that the conversion of the House of Israel constituted one of the important events to precede the prophesied return of Christ to the earth. The Puritans and Mormons engaged in and overseeing the missionary endeavors of the two locales under study likewise shared several parallel conversion methods. One such method consisted of utilizing one of the largest resources available to the two religions: their constituents. The Puritans and Mormons each implemented the association and example of their missionaries and congregational members as a primary method of conversion. Moreover, they applied that technique in a corresponding manner.

The first missionaries of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints went to Hawaii in 1850. As native converts joined the Church, many desired to gather in Utah with converts from other parts of the world, in order to perform Church ordinances in the temples located there. Until about 1870, Hawaiians were prohibited by their government from leaving the Islands permanently. As the laws were relaxed they came to Utah a few at a time with returning missionaries until by 1889 about seventy-five were living in Salt Lake City.Cultural and social problems arose causing the Church officials to decide to locate all the Polynesians in one place by themselves. Under the direction of the First Presidency of the Mormon Church a committee of three former Hawaiian missioanries and three natives selected the ranch of John Irch in Skull Valley, Tooele County, Utah as the site for a Polynesian colony. A Church-controlled corporation was established to purchase and hold the colony's properties. The Polynesians were hired to work on the ranch.A townsite was laid out, lots were sold and homes were bult for the colonists. The colony was named Iosepa, in honor of the sixth president of the Church, Joseph F. Smith, who had served as a missionary among the Hawaiians and was solicitous of their welfare.For the first decade, the company operated at a loss due to the financial difficulties of the 1890's. Gradually financial conditions improved, the company began to feed more livestock, a store was opened and then Iosepa began to realize a profit.At first Iosepa was isolated from other Utah communities. The only way in or out of the colony was by foot or horses. Its post office was in Grantsville, about thirty miles to the northeast. In 1906 the Western Pacific Railroad Company built a line through Utah passing through Timpie, fifteen miles north of Iosepa. A Stagecoach line was established between Timpie and the colony and mail services were extended to the settlement. About the same time, a long distance telephone line gave the colonists a means of rapid communciation with the outside world. By about 1910 the Hawaiians were enjoying as many of the amenities of modern life as any other Utah community its size.Ecclesiastically Iosepa held a unique position in the Church. As a mission branch, all its reports went directly to the First Preidency. Religious leadership was vested in a returned Hawaiian missionary. Hawaiian members usually served as officers in the auxillary organizations.Leprosy and various illnesses caused some concern in the colony, but by 1900 the lepers had died. As doctors became more attainable and as the Hawaiians became more acclimated, problems of sickness decereased.In 1915 the Church announced that a temple was to be built at Laie, Hawaii. Upon hearing this some of the Hawaiians announced that they were returning to the Islands. Soon the movement to return was under way and all were swept with it. By 1917 all had returned to the Islands but one family which remained in Salt Lake City. That fall the Deseret Livestock Company purchased the Iosepa property and Utah's Polynesian colony ceased to exist.Some have asserted that leprosy, other sickness, financial failure or failure of the Polynesians to become acclimated to the area caused the failure and closing of the colony. Each one of these problems was overcome years before the colony's end. The colony was a success. It had been established for a purpose; when its purpose was fulfilled it ceased to exist.

yes / This paper introduces a novel symbolic regression approach, namely biogeographical-based programming (BBP), for the prediction of elastic modulus of self-compacting concrete (SCC). The BBP model was constructed directly from a comprehensive dataset of experimental results of SCC available in the literature. For comparison purposes, another new symbolic regression model, namely artificial bee colony programming (ABCP), was also developed. Furthermore, several available formulas for predicting the elastic modulus of SCC were assessed using the collected database. The results show that the proposed BBP model provides slightly closer results to experiments than ABCP model and existing available formulas. A sensitivity analysis of BBP parameters also shows that the prediction by BBP model improves with the increase of habitat size, colony size and maximum tree depth. In addition, among all considered empirical and design code equations, Leemann and Hoffmann and ACI 318-08’s equations exhibit a reasonable performance but Persson and Felekoglu et al.’s equations are highly inaccurate for the prediction of SCC elastic modulus.

京都大学 / 新制・課程博士 / 博士(農学) / 甲第24656号 / 農博第2539号 / 新制||農||1097(附属図書館) / 学位論文||R5||N5437(農学部図書室) / 京都大学大学院農学研究科森林科学専攻 / (主査)教授 北山 兼弘, 教授 田中 千尋, 教授 松浦 健二 / 学位規則第4条第1項該当 / Doctor of Agricultural Science / Kyoto University / DGAM

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