This thesis is a reassessment of British foreign policies from the Treaty of Versailles in 1919 until the Treaties of Locarno in 1925. It initially argues that much of the historiography of this period is unbalanced in its judgement of the different governments because it views them from a teleological perspective that fails to differentiate this period from the inter-war years as a whole. The problem with this approach is that the rise of Hitler and the causes of the Second World War became so dominant in such analyses that most issues within these years have only been judged within that wider context. The thesis argues that an assessment of the foreign policies between 1919 and 1925 must take greater account of all the diplomatic, military and economic difficulties in the years after the Great War, and also recognise the degree of stability achieved by the end of 1925. The difficulties included the expansion of the British Empire as a result of Versailles, ongoing financial and economic problems including wartime debts, the complexities of the Irish negotiations, and the major European issues that had not been resolved at Versailles. Britain was still a great power and its foreign policies are analysed both as an imperial power, including the newly acquired territories in the Middle East, and as a major European power. After an analysis of primary and secondary sources, it is argued that despite all the difficulties, and the seeds of long-term decline in imperial matters, British foreign policies contributed to greater stability in international affairs by the end of 1925. This is especially true of the achievements at Locarno in respect of Germany's western borders and in establishing Germany as an equal diplomatic partner. There were also no obvious new diplomatic hostages to fortune. Whether Britain and other powers could build on this greater stability after 1925 is a different issue, but that should not detract from recognition of the achievements during these six years.

This thesis extends the current scholarship of the social impact of the First World War by analysing the influence of the contribution of the Indian soldiers on the Western Front on civilian and military perceptions of Indian people and how this varied between those who encountered Indian soldiers in person and those who did not. The work sits on the historiographical boundary of the First World War, Empire and the social history of Britain in the post war years and makes use of newspapers, first person accounts and manuscript sources. The impact upon the civilian population is analysed by examining the manner in which Indian people were represented in the media in the years before the war and comparing this with later representations in the years during and after the war. The work of Porter and Mackenzie and the ongoing debate about the significance of the Empire to the British people is used to ground the argument. The thesis finds that, despite an increased awareness and interest in India and its people during the war, the public soon settled into a pre-war apathy towards its Empire. The military chapters briefly examine the history of the Indian Army and its time in France and the changes made by the British Army to facilitate the service of the Indian soldiers in Europe. It discusses the negative view of the Indian Corps which has been perpetuated by historians during the twentieth century and provides contradictory arguments against a number of these assertions. The thesis concludes that, while the Indian Corps' time in France positively impacted on British civilian and military opinion of Indian people, those who directly encountered them formed the most favourable views.

Thesis (M.S.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 2000. / Typescript. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 150-167).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Christian-Albrechts-Universität Kiel, 1970. / Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (p. [492]-537).

No description available.

Whatever may be the policy of a (declaratory) power in the Crown conclusively to certify the limits of its territorial sovereignty, and whatever be the ultimate fate of such a power [linked, as it is in part, to the policy of. and indeed the existence of, a (constitutive) prerogative of cession] still at all events the constituent function of the Crown is founded upon the (constitutive) prerogative of annexation, as distinct from any declaratory power. To annexation the will and pleasure of the Crown is, as a matter of constitutional law, both sufficient and necessary, without regard to any consideration of international law. The necessity of Her Majesty's pleasure is supported inter alia by the case of Staples v. The Queen (1899) (unreported), heard on application to the Privy Council for leave to appeal from the High Court of Matabeleland. A full report of the proceedings in both courts, including argument and reasons, being appended; the Privy Council deciding that territory remained foreign notwithstanding destruction by armed force of the previous native sovereignty and ensuing complete control by the Crown ... The prerogative of legislation is considered; semble a grant of representative institutions may be held subject to a reservation of the prerogative of legislation contained in an earlier but governing instrument. A prerogative of the Crown to legislate for the subject even in foreign territory, wherever the Crown has assumed a jurisdiction, is supported by limited judicial authority whose correctness is doubted. The true extent is considered of the continuance of existing laws in conquered and ceded territories. The establishment of legislative institutions is considered. The incidents of these institutions are elaborated upon, and particularly the privileges of legislative bodies erected by the Crown. An account is given of the events in Newfoundland in August, 1838, giving rise to the leading case of Dr. Kielley in the Courts of Newfoundland, and, on appeal, in the Privy Council, laying down the rule that only necessary incidents are enjoyed at common law and not the lex et consuetude parliament! as known at Westminster: the rule herein laid down being applied more particularly against a power of committal for contempt. Earlier colonial and Privy Council precedents in the opposite sense are discussed. The rule is suggested to be one dictated by considerations of policy simply, and not determined by any particular view of the true basis of privilege in England. If anything, assimilation of the lex et consuetudo parliamenti to the common law serves as an argument for its passage to the colony, while attribution to lost statute might tend to establish peculiarity to England and colonial inapplicability; but the rule of inapplicability may be applied in any event.

My dissertation project seeks to understand when and how do national judges play an active and significant role in how international legal orders do or do not affect their polities. Specifically, I look at when and how British judges play a role in how European Union law through the European Court of Justice and European human rights law through the European Court of Human Rights affect the British polity. These international legal orders contain both vertical and horizontal aspects. Vertical aspects include the highest court and its judges defined by the treaty, which operates as the international, hierarchical authority on the treaty and is tasked with ensuring the compliance of the member states of the treaty. Horizontal aspects include member state courts and judges who interact with other member state courts and judges as equals voluntarily to share an understanding of the law. Britain is interesting because it may seem like a counterintuitive place to find such dynamics. Britain has a strong resistance to international authority, a deeply entrenched idea of Parliamentary Supremacy, and a dualist legal tradition where Parliament translates international law into domestic law prior to its use by the courts, which contributes to a lack of expectation of British judges engaging in international judicial activism, making Britain a hard case. In this context, we should expect that international law only matters to the extent that domestic actors are forced to incorporate it by a strong international legal order with vertical supremacy and unambiguous authority. To the contrary, my dissertation shows that British judges are quite active in many international legal orders in ways that do not merely reflect the degree of established vertical legal authority. Through dynamics that are quite autonomous from British politicians' difficult interactions with international authority, British judges play a very active role in managing and integrating international law into British politics. To see these dynamics and understand how international law has affected British politics, we must pay special attention to horizontal legal integration. Horizontal legal integration occurs when judges intentionally and selectively borrow legal concepts and precedents from other national or international jurisdictions.

This final thesis examines the influence of the British Empire on the spread of democracy over the world. The British Empire is not considered to be just the exploiter but mainly as an Empire, which enforced the free trade, freedom and building the democratic institutions in the world. Thesis compares the British Empire with other European colonial powers focusing on advantages of British government and on impact of this government on former colonies. In spite of the fact that democracy was not accepted in all former British colonies, the British Empire made a great contribution to the support and expansion of the democracy and freedom in the world.

Diplomová práce Politicko-geografické aspekty transformace Britského impéria na Společenství národů Abstract The masterʼs degree thesis "From British Empire to Commonwealth of Nations: Political and Geographical Aspects of the Transformation" deals with gradual transformation of the British Empire, one of the biggest colonial empires of all time, into Commonwealth of Nations, i. e. into a loose association of the United Kingdom and its former Dominions and colonies. The masterʼs degree thesis aims to profoundly analyze all the substantial aspects of this complicated process, namely in broader (above all in political-geographical, historical and legal) relations. The initial historical chapter describes the origins and the following territorial expansion of the British Empire. The second chapter concentrates on different types of administrative units that existed within the British Empire; a special emphasis is given to Dominions whose creation marked the beginning of the disintegrative tendencies within the Empire. The third part of the thesis examines the key period of the transformation of the British Empire into a looser association of states, which means the events of the first half of the twentieth century, when couple of crucial documents amending the character of the British Empire were adopted. The...

This thesis provides a survey and an analysis of South Africa's relations with the British Commonwealth (Commonwealth of Nations) between the years 1945 and 1961. It outlines and explains the deterioration of this relationship in the context of the crisis in South Africa's foreign relations after World War II. Documentary evidence is produced to throw more light on the relationship with Britain and, to a lesser extent, other Commonwealth countries. This relationship is analysed in the context of political, economic and strategic imperatives which made it necessary for Britain to continue to seek South Africa's co-operation within the Commonwealth. This thesis also describes how the African and Asian influence began to be felt within the Commonwealth on racial issues. This influence was to become particularly important during the crucial period after the Sharpeville incident. The attitudes of Britain and other Commonwealth countries at the two crucial conferences of 1960 and 1961 are re-examined. The attitude of extra-parliamentary organisations in South Africa towards the Commonwealth connection is an important theme of this thesis in addition to the other themes mentioned above. It is demonstrated how Indian and African opinions became increasingly hostile towards what was seen as British and "white" Commonwealth "appeasement" of South Africa. These attitudes are surveyed in the context of an increasing radicalisation of black politics in South Africa. The movement by English and Afrikaans-speaking white South Africans toward a consensus on racial and foreign policy is also examined. Finally, the epilogue to this thesis discusses the return of South Africa to the Commonwealth in 1994. It includes a brief survey of developments in the Commonwealth attitude to South Africa since 1961. / History / D. Litt. et Phil. (History)