Global ETD Search

1	Is three a crowd or a coalition ? : India, Brazil and South Africa in the WTO / Du Preez, Mari-Lise. January 2007 (has links) Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2007. / Bibliography. Also available via the Internet.
2	Identifying the key factors for success in anti-colonial movements : Hind-Swaraj and Indian civil rights in South Africa compared Berkun, Alex J. 01 January 2008 (has links) Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi contributed both to the Indian civil rights movement in South Africa and India's hind-swaraj (Indian home-rule) movement as a charismatic leader and spiritual warrior. In both cases Gandhi employed satyagraha, often translated as ‘soul force', as his community organizing and mobilizing strategy against the British Empire. Used to great effect this non-violent method of protest accomplished tangible victories in both movements. However, the success enjoyed by Gandhi's social movements varied wildly. In South Africa, Gandhi mobilized Indians against local legislative measures designed to strip them of their voting rights. Throughout this period Gandhi underwent a significant ideological shift, from Aryan supremacist, to humanitarian spiritualist. His appeal spread throughout the Indian world, and soon even English were contributing to his movement. Yet, victories never amounted to the democratization of the colony, let alone equal rights for Indian laborers. In India1 wee see Gandhi’s mobilization of Indians in the name of hind-swaraj lead to the withdrawal of British power from the nation. However, I speculate that this success had as much to do with Indian nationalist Subhas Chandra Bose, as it did Mohandas Gandhi. Bose and Gandhi each led hind-swaraj movements that conflicted deeply on an ideological and strategic basis. While Gandhi focused on the power of nonviolent civil disobedience within a state, Bose focused on diplomacy with Britain's enemies and the use of international pressures. The cumulative pressure of both movements during the British Empire's weakest moment. WWII, resulted in hind-swaraj. Political Science
3	When companies rule : corporate political authority in India, Kenya and South Africa Atal, Maha Rafi January 2019 (has links) This thesis examines the role of corporations as political authorities, focusing on corporate land acquisition and corporate provision of services and infrastructure. It considers these activities as "Company Rule," a political project to secure corporate control of territory and population, shaping power relations between corporations and the people they govern. The thesis asks what motivates companies to rule, and whether Company Rule can achieve political legitimacy. The thesis makes four main contributions. First, it develops a framework for analysing the political agency of corporations, informed by international relations theory, management science, and economic history, including empirical analysis of three historical cases of Company Rule: the British East India Company, the British South Africa Company, and the New Lanark mill town. Second, the thesis applies the framework to three contemporary case studies: the Reliance oil refinery and township in India, the Del Monte pineapple plantation and estate in Kenya, and the Lonmin platinum mine and surrounding settlements in South Africa. It finds that company actors are motivated by one or more of three key factors: utopian visions of the society their governance can deliver, a desire to counter resistance to business operations from labour, community groups or other stakeholders, and internal bureaucratic power struggles which take governance policies as a site of conflict. Third, the thesis finds that the balance of these motives varies across time and space. The policy context in which companies operate influences the particular ideological motives expressed in Company Rule. In highlighting the significance of policies that postcolonial governments have taken on the regulation of land, the thesis situates Company Rule in wider discussions of the role of territory and the social construction of space in the creation of political authority. Fourth, the thesis finds that any legitimacy Company Rule achieves relies not only on the material quality of company-provided services and infrastructure, but significantly on their normative content. Workers, communities and regulators respond to the ideological motives expressed in company governance, and it is their acceptance or rejection of these motives that determines the legitimacy of Company Rule.
4	How solid are the BRICS? An economic overview Makin, A.J., Arora, Rashmi 01 1900 (has links) Yes
5	Evolution of South-South co-operation: Trends in a changing political economic context in the post-Cold War era Chevallier, Romy 16 February 2007 (has links) Student Number : 0420292V - MA research report - School of International Relations - Faculty of Humanities / The transformation of the political economy after the Cold War, and particularly the introduction of the knowledge economy and the successful liberation of a group of developing countries, has made a considerable impact on the trading patterns in the global economy. It has also revolutionised the processes of manufacturing, production and consumption. These economic changes have had significant consequences for the countries of the developing world, making the possibility of coalition-building between the countries of the Southern core more feasible, and in this way bringing about fundamental alterations in the political economy of the international system. However, the economic co-operation that takes place in the South is uneven and advances the interests of semi-peripheral states such as India, South Africa and Brazil, giving rise to new patterns of collaboration. South-South economic cooperation post Cold War political economy knowledge economy coalition-building
6	Is three a crowd or a coalition? : India, Brazil and South Africa in the WTO Du Preez, Mari-Lise 03 1900 (has links) Thesis MA (Political Science. International Studies))--University of Stellenbosch, 2007. / This thesis is, in essence, a theoretically informed, qualitative study of an intermediate power coalition in international trade negotiations. More specifically, it critically evaluates the cooperation of India, Brazil and South Africa (IBSA) in the World Trade Organisation (WTO). The IBSA Dialogue Forum was established in 2003. This was also the year the three emerging countries first drew attention to their collective bargaining potential. First, they were instrumental in negotiating a waiver in the WTO that allowed for relaxed patent restrictions on the import of generic drugs for countries in the developing world facing health emergencies. Then, they also played a central role in the collapse of the WTO talks held in Cancun, 2003. This study looks at what IBSA aims to achieve in the WTO and then tries to establish whether it is possible for the initiative to achieve these aims (in the WTO). It asks, firstly, what kind of coalition IBSA forms in the WTO. Then, it asks whether it makes sense for India, Brazil and South Africa to form this type of coalition. Finally, it discusses some of the complexities involved in the three countries’ claim that it speaks for the “developing South”. The study makes use mainly of a neo-liberal institutionalist theoretical approach, while being open to constructive debate and critique from the reflective school. Ultimately, the study argues that the challenges that bind these countries also constrain each of them. The three countries might be emerging, but they are also developing countries with limited capacity that face serious developmental challenges. In addition, these countries of the South are situated in complex regional environments. In the WTO, IBSA aims to cement a coalition through processes that promote the cooperative dimensions of interaction and minimise conflictual ones. This innovative approach to cooperation does provide some hope. How they use their collective capacity will prove decisive. No doubt, successful cooperation will require hard work, especially as the coalition will have to deliver concrete results not only to domestic constituencies, but also to the developing world as a whole. Theses -- Political science Dissertations -- Political science Brazil -- Economic policy -- 2003- South Africa -- Economic policy Political science India -- Economic policy -- 1991- Brazil -- Economic policy -- 2003-
7	An analysis of South Africa's relationship with the Commonwealth of Nations between 1945 and 1961 Makin, Michael Philip 04 1900 (has links) This thesis provides a survey and an analysis of South Africa's relations with the British Commonwealth (Commonwealth of Nations) between the years 1945 and 1961. It outlines and explains the deterioration of this relationship in the context of the crisis in South Africa's foreign relations after World War II. Documentary evidence is produced to throw more light on the relationship with Britain and, to a lesser extent, other Commonwealth countries. This relationship is analysed in the context of political, economic and strategic imperatives which made it necessary for Britain to continue to seek South Africa's co-operation within the Commonwealth. This thesis also describes how the African and Asian influence began to be felt within the Commonwealth on racial issues. This influence was to become particularly important during the crucial period after the Sharpeville incident. The attitudes of Britain and other Commonwealth countries at the two crucial conferences of 1960 and 1961 are re-examined. The attitude of extra-parliamentary organisations in South Africa towards the Commonwealth connection is an important theme of this thesis in addition to the other themes mentioned above. It is demonstrated how Indian and African opinions became increasingly hostile towards what was seen as British and "white" Commonwealth "appeasement" of South Africa. These attitudes are surveyed in the context of an increasing radicalisation of black politics in South Africa. The movement by English and Afrikaans-speaking white South Africans toward a consensus on racial and foreign policy is also examined. Finally, the epilogue to this thesis discusses the return of South Africa to the Commonwealth in 1994. It includes a brief survey of developments in the Commonwealth attitude to South Africa since 1961. / History / D. Litt. et Phil. (History) Commonwealth and South Africa British Commonwealth International relations Foreign affairs Africa and apartheid High Commission Territories United Nations and South Africa African National Congress India and South Africa Pan Africanist Congress South African Indian Congress Economic and military policies Britain and South Africa Smuts Malan Strijdom Verwoerd 327.68 African National Congress. United Nations -- South Africa. India -- Relations -- South Africa
8	An analysis of South Africa's relationship with the Commonwealth of Nations between 1945 and 1961 Makin, Michael Philip 04 1900 (has links) This thesis provides a survey and an analysis of South Africa's relations with the British Commonwealth (Commonwealth of Nations) between the years 1945 and 1961. It outlines and explains the deterioration of this relationship in the context of the crisis in South Africa's foreign relations after World War II. Documentary evidence is produced to throw more light on the relationship with Britain and, to a lesser extent, other Commonwealth countries. This relationship is analysed in the context of political, economic and strategic imperatives which made it necessary for Britain to continue to seek South Africa's co-operation within the Commonwealth. This thesis also describes how the African and Asian influence began to be felt within the Commonwealth on racial issues. This influence was to become particularly important during the crucial period after the Sharpeville incident. The attitudes of Britain and other Commonwealth countries at the two crucial conferences of 1960 and 1961 are re-examined. The attitude of extra-parliamentary organisations in South Africa towards the Commonwealth connection is an important theme of this thesis in addition to the other themes mentioned above. It is demonstrated how Indian and African opinions became increasingly hostile towards what was seen as British and "white" Commonwealth "appeasement" of South Africa. These attitudes are surveyed in the context of an increasing radicalisation of black politics in South Africa. The movement by English and Afrikaans-speaking white South Africans toward a consensus on racial and foreign policy is also examined. Finally, the epilogue to this thesis discusses the return of South Africa to the Commonwealth in 1994. It includes a brief survey of developments in the Commonwealth attitude to South Africa since 1961. / History / D. Litt. et Phil. (History) Commonwealth and South Africa British Commonwealth International relations Foreign affairs Africa and apartheid High Commission Territories United Nations and South Africa African National Congress India and South Africa Pan Africanist Congress South African Indian Congress Economic and military policies Britain and South Africa Smuts Malan Strijdom Verwoerd 327.68 African National Congress. United Nations -- South Africa. India -- Relations -- South Africa
9	Les nouveaux défis et enjeux de la politique étrangère de la France en Afrique francophone subsaharienne / The new challenges and issues of the foreign policy of France in French-speaking Sub-Saharan Africa Gomis, François 26 November 2014 (has links) Des années 1960 jusqu’à la fin de la guerre froide, voire au-delà, l’influence voire la prépondérance de la France sur les territoires francophones d’Afrique noire est presque totale. Cependant, en ce XXIème siècle naissant, la compétition mondiale dans la recherche de nouveaux débouchés et de la sécurisation de l’approvisionnement énergétique amène inexorablement les grandes puissances à entrer en ‘‘conflit d’intérêts’’ par la pénétration réciproque des « arrière-cours ». Ceci est particulièrement vrai pour la France qui voit des pays tels que les Etats-Unis, la Chine, l’Inde, le Brésil, la Turquie, les pays du Golfe, etc., faire une entrée fracassante dans une région géographique qu’elle considère depuis longtemps comme sa « chasse gardée » compte tenu des liens historique, linguistique et politique. Ces nouveaux défis et enjeux pour la politique africaine de la France se mesurent désormais, à l’aune des transformations à l’œuvre sur la scène internationale avec la mondialisation et l’émergence de nouvelles puissances du Sud. Les défis et les enjeux sont importants pour l’action extérieure de la France et sa place dans le monde, compte tenu de la concurrence féroce des nouveaux acteurs et des changements des sociétés africaines en cours. Néanmoins elle possède encore des atouts économiques, diplomatiques et stratégiques susceptibles de lui permettre d’élaborer, grâce à l’espace culturel francophone, un projet original, ambitieux et porteur d’espoir. Pour ce faire, il faudra répondre aux deux interrogations suivantes : Comment réformer cette politique traditionnelle basée sur des relations étroites et privilégiées avec les dirigeants africains sans toutefois compromettre les avantages comparatifs de la France sur place? Quelle stratégie politique mettre en œuvre pour identifier les véritables intérêts communs des Français et des Africains francophones, en tenant compte des opportunités et des menaces, et les développer dans un partenariat mutuellement bénéfique ? / From 1960s to the end of the cold war, even beyond, the influence even the supremacy of France in the French-speaking territories in Sub-Saharan Africa is almost total. However, in this 21st century, the world competition in the research of new markets and the security of the energy supply leads inexorably the great powers to enter in “conflict of interests” by the mutual penetration of the “back-yards”. This is particularly true for France which has countries such as the United States, China, India, Brazil, Turkey, the Gulf Arab States, etc., to make a dramatic entrance in a geographical area where she judged it for a long time as her “exclusive domain” considering the historical, linguistic and political links. These new challenges and issues for the African policy of France are measured from now on, in the light of the transformations at work in the world with the globalization and the emergence of new powers of the South. The challenges and the issues are important for the external action of France and its place in the World, considering the fierce competition between new stakeholders and the ongoing African society changes. Nevertheless it still has economic, diplomatic and strategic assets which enable him to elaborate, thanks to the francophone cultural center, an original project, ambitious and promising. With this aim in mind, it will be necessary to answer to the two following questions: How to reform this traditional policy based on close and privileged relationships with African leaders without compromising, however, the comparative advantages of France on the spot? Which political strategy has to be implemented in order to identify the real common interests of the French and the French-speaking Africans, by taking into account the opportunities and threats, and to develop them in a mutually beneficial partnership? Défis Enjeux Politique étrangère France Afrique francophone sub-saharienne Géopolitique Géostratégie Géo-économie Politique africaine Energie Etats-Unis Pays du Golfe Sécurité et défense Aide au développement Coopération Compétition internationale Panafricanisme Diplomatie Mondialisation Commerce international Démocratisation Stabilité politique Relation France-Afrique Immigration Partenariat Croissance économique Challenges Issues Foreign policy France French-speaking sub-saharan Africa Geopolitic Geostrategy Geoeconomics African policy Energy United States of America Gulf arab states Security and defense Development assistance Cooperation International competition Panafricanism Diplomacy Globalisation International trade Democratisation Politic stability France-Afrique relation Immigration Partnership Economic growth 320.549 096

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