Bohumír Janoušek as historian (1924 2007), the diploma thesis, the Institute of cultural studies of the Faculty of Philosophy of the University of South Bohemia. České Budějovice 2015. This diploma thesis approaches the life story of one of South Bohemian historian of post-war period, which has been overlooked so far. The work does not try only to provide information about the life and works of Bohumír Janoušek, but also classifies him in the context of time, focusing on his views and attitudes. He worked as an archivist, historian and educator. He was a member of the Communist Party and this fact primarily affected his life and work. This thesis has been the first attempting to describe and analyse the life of this outstanding South Bohemian historian of the second half of the twentieth century.

(in English) In my thesis, I have decided to continue the theme I have already pursued in my previous bachelor's degree research. It consists of biographies of selected outstanding volunteers who took part in the Spanish Civil War in 1936-1939, with a special attention given to their lives after 1948. Following the life story of Osvald Závodský, I have chosen to focus on the life of Bohuslav Laštovička (1905-1981), a former officer of the Army of the First Czechoslovak Republic, and later a Communist journalist and publicist. In Spain, he served as the first commander of the "Gottwald" anti-aircraft division, then he was a member of the leadership of the Czechoslovak Communist Party in London. Following the liberation, he worked as the first director of Czechoslovak Radio. In 1948, he was an ambassador in Moscow, and later a deputy at the Ministry of Defence. After political restrictions during the political trials era, he became a chairman of the National Assembly in the mid-1960s, and remained in this post until 1968. As a member of the Federal Assembly he served until his dead in 1981. I intend to fill this biographical lacuna drawing on archival research, secondary literature, public press of the period, and last but not least memories of Laštovička's comrades-in-arms and his own, in order to...

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Na madrugada do dia 16 de fevereiro de 1988 a Unidos de Vila Isabel conquistou o título inédito do carnaval carioca com o enredo Kizomba Festa da Raça. Esse título foi o auge da administração de Lícia Maria Maciel Caniné, a Ruça que à época era casada com Martinho José Ferreira, o Martinho da Vila. O casal era filiado ao Partido Comunista Brasileiro, e a administração em questão se opunha politicamente a Liga Independente das Escolas de Samba, comandada pelo presidente anterior da Unidos de Vila Isabel, Aílton Guimarães Jorge, o Capitão Guimarães. Azul Celeste em Vermelho analisa a trama política carnavalesca tensionada de fins da década de 1980, focalizando na gestão da presidente Ruça empreendida entre os carnavais de 1988 e 1990. Iluminado por fontes orais e periódicos da época, o presente trabalho está interessado em discutir as memórias tramadas sobre aquela administração e seus usos políticos, por vezes partidários. / In the morning of February 16th, 1988 Unidos de Vila Isabel won the unexpected title of the Rio Carnival with the theme "Kizomba Festa da Raça". That championship was the peak of administering Lícia Maria Maciel Caniné, the Ruça who was then married to Martinho José Ferreira, Martinho da Vila. The couple was associated to the Brazilian Communist Party, and the administration in question was politically opposed to Liga Independente das Escolas de Samba, led by former President of the Unidos de Vila Isabel, Aílton Guimarães Jorge, Capitão Guimarães. Sky blue in red analyzes the political carnival tensioned goals of the late 1980s, focusing on the management of President Ruça carnivals undertaken between 1988 and 1990. Performed by newspaper oral and contemporary sources, this study is interested in discussing memories developed from that administration and its political uses, sometimes supporters.

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Na madrugada do dia 16 de fevereiro de 1988 a Unidos de Vila Isabel conquistou o título inédito do carnaval carioca com o enredo Kizomba Festa da Raça. Esse título foi o auge da administração de Lícia Maria Maciel Caniné, a Ruça que à época era casada com Martinho José Ferreira, o Martinho da Vila. O casal era filiado ao Partido Comunista Brasileiro, e a administração em questão se opunha politicamente a Liga Independente das Escolas de Samba, comandada pelo presidente anterior da Unidos de Vila Isabel, Aílton Guimarães Jorge, o Capitão Guimarães. Azul Celeste em Vermelho analisa a trama política carnavalesca tensionada de fins da década de 1980, focalizando na gestão da presidente Ruça empreendida entre os carnavais de 1988 e 1990. Iluminado por fontes orais e periódicos da época, o presente trabalho está interessado em discutir as memórias tramadas sobre aquela administração e seus usos políticos, por vezes partidários. / In the morning of February 16th, 1988 Unidos de Vila Isabel won the unexpected title of the Rio Carnival with the theme "Kizomba Festa da Raça". That championship was the peak of administering Lícia Maria Maciel Caniné, the Ruça who was then married to Martinho José Ferreira, Martinho da Vila. The couple was associated to the Brazilian Communist Party, and the administration in question was politically opposed to Liga Independente das Escolas de Samba, led by former President of the Unidos de Vila Isabel, Aílton Guimarães Jorge, Capitão Guimarães. Sky blue in red analyzes the political carnival tensioned goals of the late 1980s, focusing on the management of President Ruça carnivals undertaken between 1988 and 1990. Performed by newspaper oral and contemporary sources, this study is interested in discussing memories developed from that administration and its political uses, sometimes supporters.

The aim of my work was to cover the activity of the Poor School Nuns de Notre Dame since they have been found. The high attention was paid to their centralization to the Nunnery´s branch in Kardašova Řečice in the fifties. I have tried to outline the period of problematic religious and political systems that kept clashing. The work is divided into several topics that describe particular spheres of persecution. The most extensive chapter {--} Kardašova Řečice {--} captures the time since the institute had been established to the day when the last nun left it. There are the memories of the witnesses that narrate about nuns and their activity in the House for Seniors and Citizens unabled to work. The whole work is accompanied by the archival material, but also looks at the nuns´ witness with the true-life experience.

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No. of bitstreams: 1 camilagoncalvessilvafigueiredo.pdf: 3928355 bytes, checksum: c9ed22d36488906da2208a7c991553e2 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-08-30 / A tese analisa as estratégias utilizadas pelo Partido Comunista Brasileiro/PCB no estado de Minas Gerais para estabelecer suas ações junto às classes trabalhadoras urbanas, entre os anos de 1945 a 1964. A escolha do recorte temporal se deve a dois fatores. O primeiro, em razão de este ter sido o momento em que o PCB realizou o processo de reestruturação e expansão das atividades em todo o estado e, por conseguinte, ampliou sua influência entre diversas categorias profissionais. Segundo, devido à identificação de fontes qualitativas e quantitativas que puderam subsidiar as análises desenvolvidas. A opção pelo estado de Minas Gerais contribui para aprofundar em temáticas relacionadas aos movimentos dos trabalhadores e sobre a trajetória do PCB para além do eixo comumente apreciado pelos estudos historiográficos. Em maior medida, pesquisadores têm se voltado para análises de âmbito nacional ou se concentram no exame das experiências da agremiação em cidades do interior, em localidades situadas na região sul e sudeste do país, como Rio Grande do Sul, Rio de Janeiro e São Paulo. A principal hipótese desta pesquisa está na concepção de que, apesar da clandestinidade e da repressão, os comunistas não deixaram de exercer suas ações na política e entre os movimentos dos trabalhadores. Para isso, constituíram estratégias, confirmadas a partir do estudo do caso mineiro. Dessa forma, inicialmente, realiza-se uma discussão teórica a respeito do objeto de estudo e discorre-se sobre as pioneiras experiências da agremiação em Minas Gerais. Posteriormente, analisa-se a trajetória de consolidação das ações pecebistas na capital e no interior. Realiza-se o trabalho de mapeamento das cidades que tiveram núcleos, células e sedes do PCB a fim de assinalar o raio de atuação do partido no estado. Salienta-se a identificação das regiões onde o PCB destinou maior atenção aos trabalhadores urbanos, como as localidades situadas no centro, sul e zona da mata. Disserta-se sobre as concepções teóricas, políticas e ideológicas que influenciaram os rumos e as estratégias adotadas pelos comunistas no chão das empresas. Observa-se, por meio do estudo de casos, as táticas empreendidas para estabelecer o intercâmbio de ações junto aos trabalhadores. Compreende-se não somente os êxitos e as contribuições dos pecebistas para os movimentos dos trabalhadores, mas também os fracassos e as dificuldades para o estabelecimento da articulação entre os sujeitos que não detinham concepções ideológicas de esquerda. Por fim, analisa-se em especial – por meio do uso de fontes orais – a trajetória de indivíduos cujas experiências pessoais e profissionais estão diametralmente ligadas a história do PCB. Por meio dessas trajetórias observamos as táticas adotadas pelo partido a fim de se manterem atuantes na dinâmica política do país, a despeito da clandestinidade. Esta pesquisa subsidia a difusão dos estudos sobre os trabalhadores e sobre a trajetória de resistência do PCB. Partido, cujo histórico de clandestinidade se confunde com o percurso de superação aos condicionantes desfavoráveis. A tese se vale de documentos partidários, materiais elaborados pelos agentes de organizações voltadas a repressão, além de jornais e entrevistas. / The thesis analyzes the strategies used by the Brazilian Communist Party in Minas Gerais, to establish their actions with the urban working class, between the years of 1945 and 1964. The choice of the temporal cut is duo two factors: Firstly, because at this period PCB realized a restructuration process and expansion of their activities in the whole federation and, expands their influence in several working categories. Secondly, duo to the identification of qualitative and quantitative sources which subsidize the analyzes.The option for Minas Gerais contributes to deepen the thematic related about the workers moviments and PCB‘s trajectory, beyond the axis of what we have as commonly appreciated by the historiographic studies. To a greater extent, researchers turned to national scope analyzes or concentrate themselves about the examination of the experiences of the association in the inner cities, around the areas of the south or southeast of the country, like Rio Grande do Sul, Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo. The research hypothesis lies in the conception of what, despite of the clandestinity and repression; the communists still exercise their actions in politics and in between the working class movements. Thereunto, they instituted strategies, supported by the study of Minas Gerais case. Thus, at the beginning, a theorical discussion, about the study object, is developed and treats on the pioneer experiences of Minas Gerais association. Posteriorly, we analyze the trajectory of consolidation of the pecebistas actions in the capital and inner cities. We realize the work of mapping the cities which developed a nucleus, cellular and headquarters of PCB to point out the operating radius of the party in the state. We emphasize that the identification of the regions where PCB dedicated greater attention to the urban working class, in locations situated in downtown, south and in the forest area.We Discussed about the theorical conceptions, politics and ideology that influenced the paths and strategies used by the communists in the ―ground of corporations‖. We observe, based in case studies, the tactics taken to establish the exchange of actions together with the workers. It is understood, not only the successes and contributions of the pecebistas to the workers movements, but the failures and problems to the establishment of the articulation between the subjects whose didn‘t have conceptions of left wing ideology. Finally, we analyze, in particular, by the use of oral sources – the trajectory of individuals, which the personal and professional experiences are diametrically connected to the History of PCB. Through these trajectories we observe the tactics adopted by the party in order to keep themselves active in the political dynamics of the country, spite of the clandestinity. This research subsidizes the diffusion of the studies about the workers and their trajectory of resistance of PCB, party, which the historical of clandestinity confounds itselves with the path of superation to the unfavorable determinants. The thesis uses party documents and materials done by the agents of organizations oriented by the repression, besides journals and interviews.

nÃo hà / Este estudo compreende a anÃlise do jornal comunista O Democrata, no perÃodo de 1946 e 1947, na cidade de Fortaleza-Cearà (Brasil). Procuro recuperar o trajeto da imprensa transgressora no Estado, a partir do final do SÃculo XIX, e mostro a relaÃÃo do impresso com a tradiÃÃo da escrita subversiva. Neste trabalho, abordo o documento dentro da perspectiva das interferÃncias e a circularidade do mesmo nos espaÃos pÃblicos da cidade. A partir da fonte principal de pesquisa, tento ampliar a leitura da escrita fazendo uso das fontes orais e documentos relativos ao perÃodo da temÃtica. Avalio, ainda, a participaÃÃo do impresso nas eleiÃÃes e mostro a importÃncia do vespertino para difusÃo das prÃticas e idÃias comunistas. / This study approaches an analysis of the communist newspaper "O Democrata" (in English "The Democrat"), during 1946 and 1947, in Fortaleza-CE, Brazil. It is aimed to recover paths of the transgressing press in the State of CearÃ, from the beginning of the 19th century. It is shown the relation between traditional and subversive written press. This study also approaches documents from interference perspectives and public places where they were sold in Fortaleza. From the main source of the research, it is intended to amplify the comprehension of the speech by the use of oral sources and documents during the years of 1946 and 1947. It is also evaluated the contribution of the written press during the election period and the importance of the evening newspaper in order to diffuse the communist ideas.

“It should not be forgotten that this ideological contribution impacted itself in a very real way on the whole national and democratic movement. It helped transform the ANC from its early beginnings of petition politics into a revolutionary nationalist movement.” Joe Slovo (in a speech delivered at the University of the Western Cape to mark the 70th anniversary of the SACP, 19 July 1991) At the time that the late Joe Slovo, former secretary of the South African Communist Party and former Minister of Housing in the first Government of national unity, made the speech the former party had about a year of legal existence inside the country after President FW de Klerk had unbanned all previously banned political parties in February 1990. Indeed the unbanning of political parties in South Africa was preceded by cataclysmic events in both Soviet Russia and Eastern Europe. General Secretary Mikhail Gorbachev who was leader of the Soviet Communist Party was at the helm in Moscow. He introduced a number of policies whose main objective was to democratize Soviet society and do away with some of the undemocratic practices that were always associated with the policy of communism. Consequently, there was much talk about glasnost (openness) and perestroika during the period of President Gorbachev’s rule of Soviet Russia. The two policies were the main feature of his quest to modernize Soviet Russia and gradually move away from communism. The collapse of the Berlin Wall in 1989 and the fall of Nicolai Ceausescu in Romania and the disintegration of other East European countries like Yugoslavia signalled a death knell for East European socialism. The foregoing events also implied that the era of the Cold War between the West (led by USA, Britain, and West Germany et al) and East (led by the USSR, Poland, and East Germany et al) was over. The Cold War was a period of tremendous tension as Soviet Russia sought to spread its system of communism to Third World countries in Africa and South America. The West for its part tried to counteract by supporting forces which were opposed to communism in these countries. One can cite the example of Angola where Soviet Russia supported the Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA) led by Augustinho Neto which had adopted the system at the independence of the country in 1975. Jonas Savimbi led the Union for the Total Independence of Angola (UNITA) which was opposed to communism and was supported by South Africa and other Western countries which were also opposed to the system of communism. In essence the Cold War was a contest between the West and the East in gaining converts to their respective belief systems. The collapse of communism was viewed by the West as triumph of its own belief system and the confirmation of the failure of communism. It is against the backdrop of these foregoing events that the South African Communist Party was unbanned together with other erstwhile banned on the 2nd of February 1990.The SACP which had much influence in the ANC in the late 1950s and early 1960s and much of the time the parties were in exile was unbanned against the backdrop of the foregoing events. Of interest to observers was whether the party after it was unbanned would be able to exert the same influence it did on the ANC during the time in exile. Would the SACP take over from the ANC after the democratic transition and impose a socialist state in South Africa even if globally the trend was to move away from communism/socialism? Would the ANC itself follow a system which had been shown to lack the ability to confront the challenges of the 20th century? Some political commentators viewed the relationship between the ANC and the SACP as that of a metaphorical rider (the latter) and donkey (the former). In essence they argued that the SACP was the one determining the general trajectory of the liberation movement and its economic policies in particular. This dissertation will show that the influence of the SACP within the Tripartite Alliance in general and the ANC government in particular swings like a pendulum. It depends on who is in charge as president of the ANC. Before and during the exile years as the ANC was led by the late Oliver Tambo, the party enjoyed relatively better influence within the former organizations. The two organizations co-operated well in many ventures like the Defiance campaign, drafting of the Freedom Charter and the establishment of Umkhonto Wesizwe in 1961. During the presidency of Nelson Mandela most SACP members were in the first democratic cabinet though they did not exert as much influence as would be desirable. The main economic policy that the ruling ANC advocated was under the umbrella of what was termed the Reconstruction and Development Programme (RDP) and was not even the brainchild of the SACP but of the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU). In 1996 Thabo Mbeki, then deputy president to Nelson Mandela, came with the neo-liberal policy of Growth, Employment and Redistribution to try and salvage the South African economy which at the time was not performing at its best. Not only was GEAR unashamedly neo-liberal, it was also done without consultation of the SACP by its alliance partner the ANC. This engendered palpable tension within the alliance and led to name-calling from the party which derogatively referred to all the advocates of GEAR as the ‘Class of 1996’. The tension between the SACP and the ANC continued until former President Thabo Mbeki and his ‘Class of 1996’ were ousted from office in the 2007 ANC Polokwane elective conference. After the Polokwane conference, Jacob Zuma who had been Thabo Mbeki’s deputy president in both government and the ANC, assumed power. Zuma did not deviate much from the policies that were adopted by his predecessor though the SACP had played a significant role in bringing him to power. Just like Mbeki and Mandela before him, he had a number of SACP members in his cabinet and, in his case, some of them in key cabinet posts like Ebrahim Patel (a member of the SACP) who serves as Minister of Economic Development. Though he has these staunch members of the party in his cabinet, the Zuma administration has been able to adopt a neo-liberal economic policy which it has termed: National Development Plan which has been criticized by communists as no better than GEAR. This dissertation will show how the party sometimes struggle and sometimes wins that struggle to influence government policy.

The aim of this thesis is to analyze the development of the party system in the Russian Federation to determine whether this development can be applied to the classical theory of political parties and party systems designed by european political scientists. In the first chapter there are described theories designed by Maurice Duverger, Jean Blondel, Stein Rokkan and Giovanni Sartori. In the second chapter there is the description of the beginning of the party system in Tsarist Russia. Its task is to draw the options and foundations of the first political party in that territory. The third chapter focuses to the reign of the CPSU, the tools of its government and the reasons for the gradual weakening of its power. The fourth chapter is divided into two parts, the first of which describes the development of the party system in Russia since the fall of the USSR, the second part deals with the comparison of theoretical concepts mentioned in the first chapter and the actual development in Russia.

Taiwan’s February 28 Incident happened in 1947 as a set of popular protests against the postwar policies of the Nationalist Party, and it then sparked militant actions and political struggles of Taiwanese but ended with military suppression and political persecution by the Nanjing government. The Nationalist Party first defined the Incident as a rebellion by pro-Japanese forces and communist saboteurs. As the enemy of the Nationalist Party in China’s Civil War (1946-1949), the Chinese Communist Party initially interpreted the Incident as a Taiwanese fight for political autonomy in the party’s wartime propaganda, and then reinterpreted the event as an anti-Nationalist uprising under its own leadership. After the rapprochement of Mao’s China with the United States in the 1970s, both parties successively started economic or political reform and revised their respective policies toward the February 28 Incident. Moreover, the Democratic Progressive Party rose as a pro-independence force in Taiwan in the mid-1980s, and its stress on the Taiwanese pursuit of autonomy in the Incident coincided with the initial interpretation of the Chinese Communist Party. These partisan views and their related policy changes deeply influenced historical research on the Incident. This study re-examines both the history and the historical accuracy of these partisan discourses and the relevant scholarship on the Incident, and further proposes to understand this historic event in the long-term context of Taiwanese resistance and political struggles. / Graduate